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Full text of "Lapps and labyrinths : Saami prehistory, colonization and cultural resilience"



Lapps and Labyrinths 

Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience 



Noel D. Broadbent 

With contribution by Jan Stora 



Lapps and Labyrinths is a detailed analysis 
of Saami prehistory from 5000 B.C. to 
A.D. 1500 along 500 kilometers of the 
Bothnian coast in northern Sweden. The 
Saami were highly specialized seal hunters 
who also practiced animal husbandry, 
farming and metallurgy in ways analogous 
to the Norse. In the early fourteenth 
century they were assimilated by the 
Swedish state, Christianized and driven 
inland where many later became nomadic 
reindeer herders. Their land-uses, place- 
names, technologies and spiritual ideas 
have strongly impacted north Swedish 
society and left an indelible, and yet little 
appreciated, imprint on Nordic culture. 



Contributions to Circumpolar Anthropology 8 

For information and to order volumes in the 
Contributions to Circumpolar Anthropology 
series, please contact: 



Department of Anthropology 
National Museum of Natural History 
Smithsonian Institution 
10th and Constitution Avenue, NW 
MRC 112 

Washington, D.C. 20013-7012 

Phone: (202) 633-1887 
Fax: (202) 357-2684 
www.mnh.si.edu/arctic 




Lapps and Labyrinths 



Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience 



Lapps and Labyrinths 



Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience 



NOEL D. BROADBENT 

WITH CONTRIBUTION BY JAN STORA 




f Arctic 
C-enter 




Smithsonian Institution 
Scholarly Press 



WASHINGTON, D.C. 

20I0 



Published by the ARCTIC STUDIES CENTER 

Department of Anthropology 

National Museum of Natural History 

Smithsonian Institution 

P.O. Box 37012, MRC 112 

Washington, D.C. 20013-7012 

www.mnh . si .edu /arctic 



In cooperation with 

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION SCHOLARLY PRESS 
P.O. Box 37012, MRC 957 
Washington, D.C. 20013-7012 
www.scholarlypress.si.edu 

Copyright © 2010 by the Smithsonian Institution 

AU rights reseived. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any 
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. 

Cover image: A painting of a bear burial marked by an antler-sheathed Saami spear. Ossian Elgstrom, 1930 (Norrbotten Museum). Colors 
used on cover inspired by the Saami flag. 

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data: 

Broadbent, Noel. 

Lapps and labyrinths : Saami prehistory, colonization and cultural resilience / Noel D. Broadbent ; with contribution by Jan Stora. 
p. cm. 

"Published by Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History Smithsonian Institution ... in cooperation with 
Smithsonian Institution Scholarly Press." 
Includes bibliographical references and index. 

ISBN 978-0-9788460-6-0 (paperback : alk. paper) i. Sami (European people) — Sweden — History. 2. Sami (European people) — 
Sweden — Antiquities. 3. Coastal archaeology — Sweden. 4. Sweden — Antiquities. 5. Antiquities, Prehistoric — Sweden. I. Arctic Studies 
Center (National Museum of Natural History). II. Title. 

DL641.L35B76 2010 

948.5'oo49455 — dc22 2009028011 

ISBN-13: 978-0-9788460-6-0 
ISBN-io: 0-9788460-6-0 

Printed in the United States of America 

@ The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper 
for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1992. 





Contents 




xi DIRECTOR'S NOTE 
William W. Fitzhugh 
xiii FOREWORD 

Inger Zachrisson 
XV PREFACE 
xvii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 
xix LIST OF FIGURES 
xxv LIST OF TABLES 


1 


1 INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT 

2 Vikings, Dwarves and Giants 

3 What Is the Cultural Identity of the Saami? 

4 The Testimony of a Bear . . . 

4 The Power of Historical Narratives 
7 Archaeology and the Welfare State 
9 The Means to an End 
9 Notes 


2 


II CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 

II The Historical-Ecological Setting 

II The Importance of the Coastal Zone 

13 The Saami People 

19 Human-Environmental Relations 

22 Glacial Topography and Settlement 

23 Climate, Ice and Seal Oil 

24 Periodicity and Settlement Cycles 

24 World Systems and Northern Ecology 
26 Punctuated Sedentism 

26 Resilience Theory 

27 Five Hypotheses 


3 


29 PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 

29 The Early and Late Stone Ages 

31 Rock Art 

32 New Ideologies, New Technologies 

33 The Early and Late Metal Ages 

35 Cairn Graves 

36 Iron 

36 Animal Husbandry and Cultivation 

37 Artifacts in Context 

40 Summary /g^HSO/vJJwN. 
40 Economy / \ 

( riAKObZOIO^J 





4o 


Settlement 




41 


Technology — 




41 


Ideology and Religion 




41 


Conclusions 


4 


43 


THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 




43 


Surveys 




43 


Site Investigations 




44 


Elevations 




46 


Excavations 




46 


Sampling 




46 


Soil Chemistry 




46 


Animal Osteology 




47 


Charcoal Analysis 




47 


Macrofossils 




47 


Radiocarbon Dates 




47 


Metallurgy 




47 


Shoreline Displacement 




49 


Lichen Growth on Uplifted Beaches 




51 


A Glossaiy of Archaeological Features 




52 


Huts 




53 


Cairns 




53 


Caches 




53 


Alignments 




53 


Circles f 




54 


Labyrinths ' 




54 


Compass Roses 




54 


"Russian" Ovens 




54 


Shooting Blinds 




54 


Engravings 


5 


57 


EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 




57 


Regional History 




59 


Bjuroklubb and Bjuron 




60 


Jungfrugraven, Site 79 




63 


Site 64 




63 


Site 65 




63 


Site 67 




65 


Site 68 




65 


Site 70 




66 


Jungfruhamn, Sites 138-139 




66 


Huts A, B and C 




68 


Lappsandberget, Site 144 




72 


Grundskatan, Site 78 




72 


Feature i, Hut 




73 


Feature 2, Hut 



75 Feature 3, Hut 

77 Feature 4, Hut (Bear Burial) 

83 Feature 5, Hut 

83 Feature 6, Hut 

83 Feature 7, Hut 

84 Phosphate Mapping 

85 Feature 8, Cairn 
85 Feature 9, Cairn 

85 Feature 10, Baking Oven ("Russian" Oven) 

86 Feature 11, Hut 

87 Feature 12, Hut 

87 Feature 13, Hut 

88 Feature 14, Hut and Labyrinth 

89 Feature 15, Pit 

90 Feature 16, Stone Circle 

91 Feature 17, Cache and Hut 

91 Summary 

92 Stora Fjaderagg Island 

94 Archaeology of Stora Fjaderagg Island 

95 Hut A 

96 Hut B 
105 Hut C 

108 Hut D 

109 Circular Features 

112 Gamla Hamnen 

113 Summary Discussion 

113 Comparative Analysis of the Osteological Material (by ]an Stora) 
113 Harp Seal Populations 

121 Snoan Island 

122 Site 49 

123 Site 92 

123 Site 53 

124 Conclusions 
124 Stor-Rebben Island 

126 Hut A 

127 Hut B 

127 Hut C 

128 Hut D 

130 Summary 

131 Hornslandsudde 

132 Feature 5, Hut 

134 Features 12-14, Double Hut and Enclosure 

136 Feature 15, Hut 

136 Features 19 and 25, Stone Alignments 

136 Site 132 

138 Caches 

139 Summary and Discussion 







6 


141 


CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE 




141 


Source Criticism 




142 


Site Comparisons 




144 


The Start Dates 




144 


The End Dates , 






^siiTTiTTiprv pnrl Oi'sni'^'^inri 

Li 1 1 111 idx y fXii\A. H-J J i\j Li 




145 


What Do the Artifacts Tell Us? 




147 


The Medieval Transition 




149 


Cycles of Change 


7 




THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 






Architecture 






Site Structure 




156 


Storage and Surplus 






Corrals and Fences 




158 


Seals, Seasonality and Animal Husbandry 






Place-Name Evidence of Reindeer Husbandry 




160 


Pastoralism and Heterarchy 




163 


Discussion 




165 


Metallurgy 




166 


Three Iron Forges 




166 


Bjuroklubb 67 




166 


Grundskatan 78, Hut 11 






Hom^l^inrl'snrlHp Sitp tto 

1 IWl llOlCtl 1V_1 l3 Ll\-it_i j kJ 1 1 1 




168 


Smithing and Shamanism 




171 


Volundr and the North 




171 


Conclusions 


8 


173 


RITUALS AND RELIGION 




176 


The Wild and the Domesticated 




177 


The Bear Burial 




180 


The Grundskatan Find 




181 


The Setting and Social Context 




181 


The Economy and Timing 




181 


The Dwelling as the Saami Cosmos 




183 


The Tree of Death and Rebirth 




183 


Conclusions 




184 


Circular Sacrificial Features 




187 


Hornslandet and Yttre Bergon, Halsingland 




188 


Lappsandberget, Vasterbotten 




188 


Jungfrugraven, Vasterbotten 




189 


Stora Ejaderagg, Vasterbotten 




189 


Grundskatan, Vasterbotten 




189 


Overall Chronology 




190 


Social Context 




191 


Siunmary 



193 PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 

193 Place-Names 

197 The Geography of "Lapp" Place-Names 

199 Lapp Place-Names in Sweden 

201 Conclusions about Place-Names 

201 A Model for Coastal Settlement in Lovanger 

204 The Church Town 

207 Assimilation and Change 

208 Summary and Discussion 



211 THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR 



217 SYNTHESIS 

220 Summary of Results 

222 Einal Thoughts 



225 APPENDIX i: Osteological Material 

229 APPENDIX 2: Radiocarbon and AMS Dates 

231 REFERENCES 

257 INDEX 

269 ABOUT THE AUTHOR 



Director's Note 



Scandinavian archaeology has a long and revered history leading back to the foundation of 
scientific archaeology pioneered by Christian Thomson, a Dane who devised the three-age 
classification system (Stone, Bronze, Iron Ages) and Oscar Montelius, a Svv'ede who first de- 
veloped the seriation method of relative dating based on style-change through time. In the 1940s 
Gutorm Gjessing, a Norwegian, was one of the first to begin promoting social interpretation of 
archaeological remains, a view later developed by Frederik Barth, a Norwegian, by developing the 
anthropological theory of social boundaries as expressed in visible signaling of material culture, 
style and design. In Lapps and Labyrinths Noel Broadbent, an American who lived and taught for 
many years in Sweden, carries this tradition of archaeological innovation into the problematic field 
of historical ethnicity - in this case the social and territorial history of the Swedish Saami. 

I visited many of the sites discussed in this book with Noel in 1984, before their significance 
had become obvious from his excavations of the past decade. Like Noel, I spent many years conduct- 
ing "boulder-field" archaeology in a similar subarctic environment, central and northern Labrador. 
I had found this work exceedingly frustrating because the corrosive nature of subarctic soils and 
transient nature of the sites resulted in poor artifact preservation and recovery. One was often left 
with elaborate maps of sites and structures of a people whose culture and identity remained un- 
known or conjectural. One could easily describe the architectural forms, but determining who they 
were was frequently elusive. Broadbent 's careful excavation techniques and ingenious analytical 
methods have turned the archaeology of boulder-field sites from a confusing conundrum to a coher- 
ent picture that overturns a century of conventional archaeological wisdom about Saami origins, 
settlement systems and adaptation. For the first time the ubiquitous but inscrutable boulder sites 
lining the raised beaches and terraces of Sweden's northern Baltic coast sites have been shown to be 
the remains not of recent Germanic pioneers but of people who must have been ethnic Saami - but 
Saami living a very different life than known from historical records. 

Integrating archaeological finds with an array of anthropological data, place-names, history, 
religion, geography and ecology, Broadbent has produced a revolutionary new synthesis that indi- 
cates a former, long-term Saami occupancy of the North Swedish coast and outlines a model of cul- 
ture change and acculturation stimulated by the northward advance of Germanic-Swedish farmers 
and fishermen. Rather then viewing this history as one of ethnic confrontation and geographic and 
political isolation - processes that have characterized Saami relations with the Swedish state during 
recent centuries and continue today - Broadbent reconstructs a Late Medieval period characterized 



XI 



by processes of accommodation, cultural exchange and demographic mixing. Only later did insti- 
tutionalized nation-state policies begin to exclude Saami rights from traditional coastal territories 
and resources. In time those policies resulted in the re-definition of Saami ethnicity and identity 
into the reindeer herder of the upper river valleys, interior lakes and mountain zones where most 
Saami had lived exclusively since the 1700s. 

Noel Broadbent's research raises many questions that call for further study. More data are 
needed from other regions of the Baltic coast; correlations are needed between archaeological re- 
mains and Lappish place-names in Sweden south of the study area. Relations between traditional 
Saami shamanic religion, bear cults and medieval Christian practices need exploring. Coastal and 
interior archaeological sites need more comparative study. Broadbent's work lays out a new para- 
digm that powerfully calls into question the established version of Swedish and Saami histories as 
separate and apart; it sets forth a new conception of social history for the North Baltic, and perhaps 
even the greater North Nordic region, in which the Saami have to be seen as more important play- 
ers in the history of their respective modern states than previously accorded through history and 
ethnology. 

For these reasons this work should be of interest not only to archaeologists and culture histo- 
rians of northern regions but to students of anthropology, history, linguistics, political science and 
native studies. It is a work in the broadest of anthropological tradition and breaks new ground in 
the application of archaeological and anthropological methods to issues of modern concern. While 
dealing with the history of a small Saami population in a restricted area of the northwestern Baltic, 
the historical situation that transpired following the appearance of newcomers in their lands has 
been experienced by many indigenous peoples around the world. In this sense Broadbent's Lapps 
and Labyrinths has broad application and demonstrates the value of anthropological studies for bal- 
ancing the dominance of history in native studies. This work is in the best tradition of Scandinavian 
archaeology and breaks new ground for science and society. 

William W. Fitzhugh, Director 
Arctic Studies Center 
Smithsonian Institution 



xii 



DIRECTOR'S NOTE 



Foreword 



Saami bear burials seem to retain their magic, even today. They are eye-openers, being such 
explicit expressions of Saami identity. They clearly tell that the Saami were here! This insight 
gave Noel Broadbent a new direction in his research - one that he had not expected. The 
same befell me in 1970. As the archaeologist in charge at Vasterbotten County Museum in Umea, 
northern Sweden, I was commissioned to investigate a bone find on an island in Lake Storuman 
in Lapland. This turned out to be a well-preserved bear burial, not older than 250 years. Up to then 
I was specialised in the metal techniques of the Scandinavian Viking Age. But just like Noel, I 
became fascinated by Saami cultural history. A totally new world opened up before me. I still have 
that fascination, and it surprises me that more Swedish archaeologists have not been affected in 
the same way. Since then, I have worked with Saami archaeological material and its relationship 
to Scandinavian culture, initially with material from undisputed Saami areas - that is, the inland 
regions north of the River Angermanalven. But in 1982, I realised that a cemetery from the elev- 
enth and twelfth centuries, much further south at Vivallen in northwestern Harjedalen (excavated 
in 1913), must also be Saami - nobody was more astonished than myself Two hearths from the 
ninth and thirteenth centuries typical of Saami huts were found nearby and we excavated a hut 
foundation as well as other remains from the eleventh century. This led to an interdisciplinary 
project of early Saami culture and its relationship to the Scandinavian (Germanic/Nordic) culture 
in the central part of the Scandinavian Peninsula. This project showed that the Saami had been 
there at least 2,000 years and had extended south of there to about the 60th parallel. The book 
Moten i gmnsland: samer och germaner i Mellanskandinavien (Encounters in Border Country: Saami 
and Germanic Peoples in Central Scandinavia) was published by the Swedish Museum of National 
Antiquities in 1997. 

The history of the Saami in central Scandinavia has also become important regarding one of 
the most extensive court cases in Sweden, about the rights of the Saami in Harjedalen to let their 
reindeer graze in winter on private land. The Saami lost their case in 1996 and on appeal in 2002, 
but this case has recently (2009) been accepted by the European court of justice. For over a century, 
the dominant standpoint had been that the Saami had only relatively recently immigrated into this 
area and that they had not reached their southernmost territories until the eighteenth century. A 
newer view, and the role of the Saami in Swedish prehistory, is possible today. This is in reality a 
return to views prevalent for most of the nineteenth century, namely that the Saami have a very long 
history, not only in northern, but also in central Scandinavia. All available source materials lead to 



XIII 



the conclusion that Saami cultures emerged out of local hunter-gatherer cultures, just as Noel has 
argued for coastal Vasterbotten. New genetic research tells its own story, showing that there are 
many connections between today's Saami and the first people to arrive in Scandinavia more than 
10,000 years ago. 

Swedish archaeology developed out of the seventeenth century goal of demonstrating our 
national greatness. Unfortunately, there are still attitudes within Swedish archaeology that can be 
characterized as ethnocentric, nationalistic and chauvinistic. The ethnic pluralism that once existed 
in Sweden has all too often been overlooked in favour of a one-sided focus on "Swedish" prehis- 
tory. As a consequence, people without their own written histories are often left defenceless in the 
courts. Many Swedish archaeologists still look upon Saami culture as static and inferior - even as 
non-definable. If the archaeological material does not coincide with historically known Saami cul- 
ture, they find it hard to imagine that it can be Saami. It will be a long time before the "new" ways 
of looking at the role of the Saami in the historical process filters through to the government and 
the general public. The museums - and even more so, the schools - have much to do in this regard. 
Even in local archaeological exhibits in northern Sweden the Saami are most often presented as an 
exotic minority of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, while the visitor gets the impression 
that it is the Scandinavian farmer whose culture extends back to the Stone Age - not the other way 
around. 

The research work mentioned above has up till now almost totally concentrated on mountain 
and forest areas in the inland of Scandinavia. The Bothnian coast(land) in Sweden and its Saami 
connections were on the whole unknown. The research results by Professor Broadbent and his col- 
leagues are therefore a minor revolution in our knowledge of the Saami past. Lapps and Labyrinths 
presents new interpretations of Saami prehistory in Sweden as well as innovative interdisciplinary 
methods and theoretical approaches to the study of ethnicity in archaeology. A large number of sur- 
veys, excavations and analyses are put into the context of long-term ecological and cultural changes. 
The study of Lapp place-names has not previously been the object of this kind of project and opens 
the door to much future archaeological research. 

Lapps and Labyrinths is easy to read, and the hypotheses and conclusions are well argued 
in simple to understand language. The excellent illustrations are in no small measure part of the 
book's impact - they are pedagogical enough to be accessible to the broader public and for use in 
schools. To conclude, Lapps and Labyrinths is an important contribution to Saami and Swedish pre- 
history, to the history of northern Europe and to indigenous studies everywhere. 

Inger Zach risson , Ph.D. 

Associate Professor of Archaeology and Curator emerita 

Museum of National Antiquities 

Stockholm 



xiv 



FOREWORD 



Preface 



This book is the culmination of an academic journey that started in 1979 when I completed my 
doctoral dissertation at Uppsala University, followed by a seven-year stint as the Director of the 
Center for Arctic Cultural Research at Umea University. My own academic ambitions took a 
back seat when I moved to Washington, D.C., in 1990, and for six years I managed other people's 
research at the National Science Foundation (NSF). Three individuals that deserve my appreciation 
for those amazing years are the late Dr. Peter Wilkniss (Director, Polar Programs), Dr. lerry Brown 
(Head, Arctic Section), and Dr. Robert Corell (Director, Geoscience). 

In 1996, 1 was awarded the Chair of Archaeology at Umea (later merged with Saami Studies) 
and for seven years commuted between Umea and Washington, D.C. Many exciting things hap- 
pened during my tenure, one of which was the Northern Crossroads (Motm i norr) Project. This 
Bank of Sweden-funded project energized the department on multiple fronts and provided full- 
time salaries for a post-doctoral position and nine doctoral students (including one in Stockholm 
and one in Lund), but unfortunately, once again, left me with little research time of my own. I 
chose to finally resign that position late in 2003, a decision that ironically brought my own original 
research ambitions back to life. With the generous support of NSF starting in 2004, I could move 
forward at last, and this has resulted in the book you now hold in your hands. 

I came to know and work with many Nordic Saami and Saami organizations such as the 
Nordic Saami Council and the Swedish Saami National Organization (SSR), and through the 
NSF Office of Polar Programs, I was able to travel widely in Alaska. In the latter instance, I would 
like to acknowledge Julie Kitka, President of the Alaska Federation of Natives; Dr. Ray Barnhardt 
and Dr. Oscar Kawagley, University of Alaska, Fairbanks; Caleb Pungowiyi (former president of 
the Inuit Circumpolar Conference); Amy Craver, Alaska Native Science Commission (now with 
the National Park Service); and Patricia Cochran, Alaska Native Science Commission (former 
president of the Inuit Circumpolar Conference). Thanks to these contacts my research started to 
evolve into a deeper appreciation of the meaning of knowledge to the people of the North. This 
is where my journey has led me. My scholarly life has literally been divided by worlds apart, both 
geographically and spiritually, and I have found peace in the wisdom that has now brought me 
full circle, and to a more meaningful completion of this project than I had originally envisioned. 
I trust this can serve not only the interests of the archaeological community and the development 
of the field, but of those who are invested in understanding the past - teachers, policy makers and 
all who live in the North. 



XV 



Pronunciation and Saami Orthography 

Swedish has three letters at the end of the alphabet that are unfamiliar to English speakers: "a" is 
pronounced like o in /ore (long) and like o in yonder (short); "a" is pronounced like ai in fair (long) 
and like e in best (short); "o"is pronounced like eu in the French deux, and before an r like u in fur, or 
like an e in her. The "o" in Swedish is written as "0" in Danish and Norwegian and a can be written 
as aa in Danish. In order to avoid confusion regarding Saami spellings, which are often Swedish 
versions of Saami words in older literature (e.g., Manker i960), Lule Saami orthography, as sum- 
marized in Rydving (1995), has been used. Exceptions to this are quotations or references to North 
Saami sources, such as sijdda (South Saami) versus siida (North Saami). 



xvi 



PREFACE 



Acknowledgements 



There are many people I would like to thank in Sweden: Professor Bertil Almgren at Uppsala 
University, who had so welcomed me to the Department of Nordic and Comparative Archaeol- 
ogy, and saw me through the completion of my dissertation; the late Docent Hans Christians- 
son, who brought me into the Swedish North; Professor Evert Baudou, who encouraged me to join 
the Department of Archaeology in Umea and was instrumental in the establishment of the Center 
for Arctic Cultural Research; Professor Lars Beckman, the late Umea University Rector; Umea 
University Director Dr. Dan Brandstrom, later Director of the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Fvmd; 
the late Professor Hakan Linderholm, M.D., with whom I helped organize the 7th International 
Conference on Circumpolar Health - all of whom truly understood the value of international re- 
search in Sweden. 

Academic colleagues for whom I also feel a special fondness are Professor Ake Hyenstrand, 
Professor Phebe Fjellstrom and Professor Mats Maimer. These old friends are gone now, but not 
forgotten. I wish to also acknowledge Carina Lahti (the heart and soul of the Department of Ar- 
chaeology in Umea), Professor Bozena Werbart, Professor Birgit Arrhenius, Docent Anders Carls- 
son, Docent Patrik Lantto and Margareta Axelson, stalwart friends over the years. Dr. Lana Troy 
(Professor of Egyptology in Uppsala) has been my de facto editor-at-large, whipping me into gram- 
matical shape and maintaining my intellectual rigor. Film-maker and photographer Boris Ersson 
(Lulea) has been a great collaborator in recent years. Docent Inger Zachrisson (Swedish National 
Historical Museum) is an icon of Saami archaeology in Sweden, having stood her ground when 
most others did not. I am honored by her foreword. Together with Dr. Inga-Maria Mulk (former 
director of the Ajtte Mountain and Saami Museum, lokkmokk) and Dr. Ingela Bergman (director 
of the Silver Museum in Arjeplog), she has laid the groundwork for this project and others like it. 

The wonderful years and productive collaboration at the Center for Arctic Cultural Research 
were made possible by Professor Roger Kvist and Dr. Rabbe Sjoberg. Both made invaluable contribu- 
tions to this book through their research in the Seal Hunting Cultures Project, and Rabbe rendered 
my field drawings into fine ink illustrations. Elaine Reiter, while a student at Northern Virginia 
Community College, transformed many of the figures into Photoshop® masterpieces. My interns: 
Kim Consroe at George Washington University, Jacquelyn Graham at the University of Minnesota, 
together with Dr. Katherine Rusk helped produce great reconstructions and maps. Intern Aza Der- 
man. The Bronx, helped with my bibliography using EndNote®. Dr. Pam Stern (formerly of Sterling 
College) gave early critiques of my manuscript and has made many helpful suggestions; and Cara 



XVII 



Seitchek and especially Ginger Strader (Smithsonian Scholarly Publications Manager) worked on 
the final edits. Unless otherwise noted, all translations, figures, tables, and photographs and con- 
clusions are by the author, who is solely responsible for their content. The aerial photographs are 
published with the permission of the Swedish Department of Defense. 

Special thanks naturally go to my colleagues Britta Wennstedt Edvinger, and Jan Stora (Os- 
teological Research Laboratory, Stockholm University). Britta and Kjell Edvinger (Arkeologicentrum 
i Skandinavien AB) facilitated new excavations at Grundskatan in 2004 and an international field 
school at Hornslandsudde in 2005. Britta and I have co-authored a number of articles through 
this project and her knowledge of Saami prehistory has been invaluable. Her contributions are 
particularly important in Chapter 8 (Rituals and Religion). Jan has done wonders with the animal 
bones, bringing many aspects of the investigation to life. He has made a major contribution to 
this book and all the osteological tables, figures and analyses are his work, none of which have 
been published before. Eva Hjarthner-Holdar, Director of the Geoarkeologiska Laboratoriet, and 
her colleagues in Uppsala (Eva Grandin, Emma Gronberg and Daniel Andersson) have advanced 
our knowledge of northern iron working through their analytical reports. Imogen Poole (Utrecht) 
and David Black (University of Western Michigan) have revealed the identities of trees hidden in 
bits of charcoal, Johan Linderholm, soil chemistry, and Karin Viklund, macrofossils (both Umea 
University). Thanks also to Ulf Lundstrom (Skelleftea Museum) for his inspirational manuscript 
on Saami place-names and eskers in Skelleftea. 

There are a number of people to thank here at the Smithsonian, many of whom have read 
my texts: Dr. Dan Rogers, Dr. Don Ortner, Dr. Bill Honeychurch (now at Yale), Dr. Torben Rick, 
Dr. Mary Jo Arnoldi, Dr. Bruno Frolich, Dr. Candace Greene, Dr. Mindy Zeder, Ann Kaupp and 
Kathleen Adio. Marcia Bakry helped with the illustrations, as did Beatrix Arendt. My sincere 
gratitude also goes to my colleagues of many years at the Arctic Studies Center: Dr. Bill Fitzhugh, 
Dr. Stephen Loring and Dr. Igor Krupnik. For the financial support that made this all possible, 
the National Science Foundation's Arctic Social Sciences Program and its Director Anna Kerttula. 
These years at the Department of Anthropology and the National Museum of Natural History have 
been among the most enjoyable and stimulating of my career. Finally last, but hardly least, thanks 
to my patient wife Elaine and our daughter Rosanna, who was born in Uppsala and has been on 
Swedish archaeological sites before she could walk, and Greg Lavallee, who has been my in situ 
information technology expert. 

Thank you one and all! 

Noel D. Broadbent 
Washington D.C. 



XVlil 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



List of Figures 



Fi^ 


Jure 


I. 


View of sealer's hut, Stora Fiaderagg Island. 


xxviii 


Fij 


Jure 


2. 


Front plate of Sven Nilssoris The Aboriginal Population of Nordic Scandinavia. 


6 


Fij 


Jure 


J 


Eskimo igloo and artifacts (Nilsson 1866). 


7 


Fii 


Jure 


4. 


The Circumpolar Region and the area of study. 


10 


Fi^ 


Jure 


5. 


Main river drainages of Sweden into the Gulf of Bothnia. 


12 


Fi^ 


Jure 


6. 


Provinces and counties of Sweden. 


13 


Figure 


7. 


Carta Marina map by Olaus Magnus from 1539. 


14 


Figure 


8. 


Saami summer camp in North Norway. 


15 


Fi^ 


Jure 


9- 


Present Saami territory and language areas. 


16 


Fi^ 


Jure 


10. 


Map based on a description of the Nordic region by Adam of Bremen. 


17 


Figure 


II. 


Visual cross section of North Swedish biogeography. 


20 


Fi^ 


Jure 


12. 


Map showing the oak limit, alpine and Bothnian ice regions. 


21 


Fi^ 


Jure 


J 


Numbers of seals taken by county and by length of coastline. 


22 


Fi^ 


Jure 


14. 


Map showing the mtDNA of voles (and viruses) in northern Sweden. 


23 


Fi^ 


Jure 


15- 


Cycles of moose populations in the taiga and cycles of coastal settlement. 


26 


Fi^ 


Jure 


16. 


Environmental changes, stray finds, site aggregations and agrarian indications 
in Vasterbotten. 


28 


Figure 


17- 


Stone artifact types from Lundfors. 


31 


Fi^ 


Jure 


18. 


Lundfors inlet and the locations of the sites and lines of seal nets. 


31 


Fi^ 


Jure 


19. 


An "x-ray" rock carving at Stornorrfors in coastal Vasterbotten. 


32 


Fi^ 


Jure 


20. 


Unused thick-butted flint adzes from the Bjurselet site. 


33 


Fi^ 


Jure 


21. 


A wooden spear shaft from Ostra Abyn in Bygdea parish. 


33 


Fi^ 


Jure 


22. 


Map showing the spread of related technologies into the Nordic region. 


34 


Fi^ 


Jure 


23. 


Sketch of both large and small grave cairns in Vasterbotten. 


35 


Fi^ 


Jure 


24. 


Distribution of asbestos-tempered vessels. 


36 


Fij 


Jure 


25- 


Ananino mold for a socketed axe. 


37 


Fi^ 


Jure 


26. 


Iron Age artifacts from coastal Vasterbotten. 


38 


Fi^ 


Jure 


27. 


Two decorated Viking Age Saami skis from Vasterbotten. 


39 


Fi| 


Jure 


28. 


Eskers, sites mentioned in the text, and economic zones. 


40 


Fi^ 


Jure 


29. 


North to south transect along the Bothnian coast. 


42 


Fi^ 


Jure 


30. 


Distribution of Iron Age huts along the Bothnian coast. 


44 



xix 



Fi^ 


^ure 


31- 


Detail of Gulf of Bothnia and the locations of the investigated sites. 


44 


Fi^ 


'lire 


32. 


Aerial view of the uplifted fishing harbor at Bjuroklubb. 


45 


Fi^ 


Jure 


33- 


Watermark at Ratan, 40 km north of the Umea. 


48 


Fij 


^ure 


34. 


Shoreline displacement curve for Vasterbotten. 


49 


Fi^ 


Jure 


35- 


Rhizocarpon geographicum lichens. (Lovanger Church and Bjuroklubb) 


50 


Fi^ 


Jure 


36. 


Maximum diameters of R. geographicum on seven beaches. 


51 


Fi^ 


Jure 


37- 


Hut foundation at the Grundskatan site (Site 78, Fiut 3). 


52 


Fi^ 


Jure 


38. 


Small cache beside a hut on Stora Fjaderagg Island (Sites 31-32). 


53 


Fi^ 


Jure 


39- 


Stone alignment at the Grundskatan site. 


53 


Fi^ 


Jure 


40. 


Labyrinth at Ratan in Vasterbotten. 


54 


Fi^ 


Jure 


41. 


Compass rose on Snoan Island. 


54 


Fi^ 


Jure 


42. 


Large intact Russian Oven in Osterbotten, Finland. 


54 


Fi^ 


Jure 


43- 


Watermark at Ratan in Vasterbotten carved during the reign of Gustav III. 


55 


Fi^ 


Jure 


44. 


Engraved names, ownership marks and dates carved by sealers from 
Osterbotten. 


55 


Fi^ 


Jure 


45. 


Aerial view of Stor-Rebben Island. 


56 


Fi^ 


Jure 


46. 


The Ume and Pite Lappmarks and Skellefte and Lovanger parishes. 


58 


Fi^ 


Jure 


47. 


Lovanger church town. 


59 


Fi^ 


Jure 


48. 


Woodcut of Bjuroklubb from 1555. 


59 


Fi^ 


Jure 


49. 


Aerial view of Bjuroklubb. 


61 


Fi^ 


Jure 


50. 


Map of site locales on Bjuron and the 10 m elevation. 


61 


Fi^ 


Jure 


51- 


Photo at Jungfrugraven. 


62 


Fi^ 


Jure 


52. 


Map showing the walls and cairn stones at lungfrugraven. 


62 


Fi^ 


Jure 


53- 


Aerial view of Site 64. (Bjuroklubb) 


63 


Fi^ 


Jure 


54. 


Sketch map of Site 65. (Bjuroklubb) 


63 


Fi^ 


Jure 


55- 


Sketch map of Site 67. (Bjuroklubb) 


64 


Fi^ 


Jure 


56. 


Plan of excavation of Hut, Site 67. (Bjuroklubb) 


64 


Fi^ 


Jure 


57- 


Plan of hearth excavated near Site 67. (Bjuroklubb) 


65 


Fi^ 


Jure 


58. 


Sketch map of hut row, Site 68. (Bjuroklubb) 


65 


Fi^ 


Jure 


59- 


Map of Site 70 and three adjacent huts and wall alignments. (Bjuroklubb) 


65 


Fi^ 


Jure 


60. 


Phosphate sampling of Site 138. (Jungfruhamn) 


66 


Fi^ 


Jure 


61. 


Detailed maps of Huts A and B. (Jungfruhamn) 


67 


Fi^ 


Jure 


62. 


Profile drawn diagonally through Hut A hearth. (Jungfruhamn) 


67 


Fi^ 


Jure 


63. 


Map of Site 144 and excavated areas. (Lappsandberget) 


68 


Fi^ 


Jure 


64. 


Exposed surface within the stone circle. (Lappsandberget) 


69 


Fi^ 


Jure 


65. 


Close-up of one of three lichens growing on the stone circle. (Lappsandberget) 


69 


Fi^ 


Jure 


66. 


Map of stone circle showing soil deposits. (Lappsandberget) 


70 


Fi^ 


Jure 


67. 


Aerial view of wave-washed moraine beaches at the Grundskatan site. 


70 


Fi^ 


Jure 


68. 


Map showing archaeological features at the Grundskatan site. 


71 


Fi^ 


Jure 


69. 


Aerial view of the Grundskatan site. 


71 


Fi^ 


Jure 


70. 


Map showing Hut i. (Grundskatan) 


72 


Fi^ 


Jure 


71- 


Maps and profiles of Hut 2. (Grundskatan) 


74 


Fi^ 


Jure 


72. 


Map of Hut 3 with section of a small posthole. (Grundskatan) 


75 



XX 



LIST OF FIGURES 



t 


mre 


/ J 


Map of the central area of the Grundskatan site with feature numbers. 


77 


Fif 

t 


^ure 


74. 


Map and profile of Hut 4. (Grundskatan) 


77 




nire 




Photograph of Hut 4 during excavation. (Grundskatan) 


78 


Fu 

c 


^ure 


76. 


Map of the cairn and bear bone finds in the southeast corner of Hut 4. 










(Grundskatan) 


79 


Fi^ 


Jure 


77. 


Calibrated dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4. (Grundskatan) 


79 


Fit 


Jure 


78. 


Map of southeast corner of Hut 4. (Grundskatan) 


80 


Vk 

c 


mre 


79- 


Map of southeast corner of Hut 4 showing location of bear bone deposition. 










(Grundskatan) 


80 


Fi^ 


Jure 


80. 


Three profiles through Hut 4. (Grundskatan) 


81 


Fi^ 


mre 


81. 


Map of Hut 5. (Grundskatan) 


82 


Fi^ 


Jure 


82. 


Map of Hut 6. (Grundskatan) 


83 


Fi£ 


Jure 


83. 


Map of Hut 7. (Grundskatan) 


83 


Fi^ 


mre 


84. 


Phosphate map. (Grundskatan) 


84 


Fi^ 


Jure 


85. 


Map of Feature 8. (Grundskatan) 


84 


Fi^ 


Jure 


86. 


Map of Feature 9. (Grundskatan) 


85 


Fi^ 


mre 


87. 


Photo of Russian Oven (Feature 10) at Grundskatan. 


85 


Fi^ 


mre 


88. 


Map of Hut II and profiles through the hearth. (Grundskatan) 


86 


Fi^ 


Jure 


89. 


Map of Hut 12 and profile of the hearth. (Grundskatan) 


86 


Fi^ 


Jure 


go. 


Map of Hut 13. (Grundskatan) 


87 


Fi^ 


Jure 


91. 


Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hut 13. (Grundskatan) 


87 


Fi^ 


mre 


92. 


Map of labyrinth and hut wall at Grvuidskatan, Feature 14. 


88 


Fif 


Jure 


J J 


Profile of the hearth under the labyrinth in Feature 14. (Grvuidskatan) 


88 


Fi^ 


mre 


94. 


Greg Lavallee standing in Feature k. (Grundskatan) 


89 


Fi^ 


mre 




Map of Feature 16. (Grundskatan) 


90 


Fi^ 


Jure 


96. 


Photo and drawing of Feature 17. (Grundskatan) 


90 


Fi^ 


Jure 


97. 


Radiocarbon dates from the Grundskatan site. 


91 


Fi^ 


Jure 


98. 


Three-dimensional rendition of topography of Stora Fiaderagg Island and 










map showing locations of investigated huts and labyrinths. 


93 


Fi^ 


Jure 


99. 


Map of Sites 31-33. (Stora Fiaderagg) 


94 


Fi^ 


Jure 


100. 


Map of Hut A. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


94 


Fi^ 


Jure 


lOI. 


Map of Hut B excavation and locations of profiles. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


95 


Fi^ 


Jure 


102. 


Anatomical representation by numbers of identified specimens. (Stora 










Fjaderagg) 


lOI 


Fi^ 


Jure 


103. 


Anatomical representation in the floor area. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


103 


Figure 


104. 


Anatomical representation in the hearth. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


103 


Fi^ 


Jure 


los- 


Anatomical representation in the storage pit. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


10^ 


Fi^ 


Jure 


106. 


Map of Hut C with alignments, huts and a storage cache. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


107 


Fi^ 


Jure 


107. 


Map of Hut D. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


108 


Fi^ 


Jure 


108. 


Sketch map of Site 33. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


no 


Fi^ 


Jure 


109. 


Photos of features at Site 33. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


no 


Fi^ 


Jure 


no. 


Maps of huts (A-B) by Gamla Hamnen. 


III 


Fi^ 


Jure 


III. 


Map of Gamla Hamnen. 


III 



LIST OF FIGURES 



Fi^ 


Jure 


112. 


Aerial view of Gamla Hamnen. 


112 


Fi^ 


Jure 


113. 


Calibrated dates of huts at Sites 31-32. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


113 


Fi^ 


Jure 


114. 


Level of epiphyseal fusion of finger and toe bones in seals. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


114 


Fij 


Jure 


115. 


Size comparison of two temporal bones from Stora Fjaderagg. 


114 


Figure 


116. 


Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B. (Stora Fjaderagg) 


118 


Fi^ 


Jure 


117. 


Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B, by weight. (Stora Fjaderagg' 




Fi^ 


Jure 


118. 


Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B and Hut D according to 
MAU (minimum anatomical units). (Stora Fjaderagg) 


119 


Fi^ 


Jure 


119. 


Three-dimensional rendition of Snoan Island with radiocarbon dates. 


120 


Fi^ 


Jure 


120. 


Map of Snoan Island. 


121 


Fi^ 


Jure 


121. 


Map of Site 49. (Snoan Island) 


121 


Fi^ 


Jure 


122. 


Photo of Hut B with distinctive hearth. (Snoan Island) 


121 


Fi^ 


Jure 


123. 


Map of fishing harbor, Site 92. (Snoan Island) 


122 


Fi^ 


Jure 


124. 


Map of fishing harbor area, Site 53. (Snoan Island) 


123 


Fi^ 


Jure 


125. 


Calibrated dates from Snoan Island. 


123 


Fi^ 


Jure 


126. 


Photo of Hut A. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


124 

r 


Fi^ 


Jure 


127. 


Map showing investigated huts on Stor-Rebben Island. 


124 


Fi^ 


Jure 


128. 


Ann Wastesson and Ann-Christin Nilsson excavating. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


I2S 

J 


Fi^ 


Jure 


129. 


Map of Hut A at Stor-Rebben. 


125 


Fi^ 


Jure 


130. 


Profile of trench through Hut A. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


125 


Fi^ 


Jure 


131. 


Map of Hut B and three labyrinths. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


126 


Fi^ 


Jure 


132. 


Excavation unit in Hut B. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


126 


Figure 


133- 


Profile of the hearth in Hut B. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


126 


Fi^ 


Jure 


134. 


Map of Hut C. (Stor-Rebben Island) 


127 


Fi^ 


Jure 


135. 


Calibrated radiocarbon dates of huts on Stor-Rebben Island. 


128 


Fi^ 


Jure 


136. 


Map showing location of Hornslandsudde, Sites 119 and 1^2. 


129 


Fi^ 


Jure 


137- 


Hornslandsudde site area based on photogrammetry (Eriksson 1975). 


130 


Fi^ 


Jure 


138. 


Hut 5, showing double wall lines. (Hornslandsudde) 


132 


Fi^ 


Jure 


139. 


Excavated area in Hut 5. (Hornslandsudde) 


132 


Fi^ 


Jure 


140. 


Trench through Feature 13. (Hornslandsudde) 


133 


Fi^ 


Jure 


141. 


Section through connecting wall between Huts 12-13. (Hornslandsudde) 


133 


Fi^ 


Jure 


142. 


Features 12-14 showing soil samples. (Hornslandsudde) 


133 


Fi^ 


Jure 


143. 


Excavation of Hut 15. (Hornslandsudde) 


134 


Figure 


144. 


Map of sections of two stone alignments. (Hornslandsudde) 


134 


Fi^ 


Jure 


145. 


Site 132, Hut A. (Hornslandsudde) 


135 


Fi^ 


Jure 


146. 


Site 132, Hut B. (Hornslandsudde) 


135 


Figure 


147. 


Map of Site 132 showing Hut A, Hut B and a cache. (Hornslandsudde) 


135 


Figure 


148. 


Cairn by Site 132, Hut B. (Hornslandsudde) 


136 

J 


Fi^ 


Jure 


149. 


Reconstruction of Hut B, lean-to and storage cairn at Site 132. 
(Hornslandsudde) 


136 


Fi^ 


Jure 


150. 


Cache #4 next to bedrock outcrop. (Hornslandsudde) 


137 


Fi^ 


Jure 


151. 


Cache #1 in wave-washed moraine field. (Hornslandsudde) 


137 


Fi^ 


Jure 


152. 


Map of cache locations. Sites 119 and 132. (Hornslandsudde) 


137 



xxii 



LIST OF FIGURES 





Jure 


153- 


Calibrated dates from Hornslandsudde. 


137 


Fi{ 


^ure 


154. 


Map of excavation of Huts 12-13 Hornslandsudde, Site 119. 


138 


Fi| 


'ure 


155- 


Diagram illustrating the elevations of radiocarbon dates. 


140 


Fi| 


Jure 


156. 


Representative sample of 24 C-14 dates. 


143 


Fi^ 


Jure 


157- 


Numbers of dates of Bothnian sealing huts. 


144 


Fi^ 


Jure 


158. 


Graphic distributions of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, a farmstead 
locale and a Saami hearth from Bjuroldubb. 


148 


Fij 


Jure 


159. 


Calibrated dates of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, the Bole farmstead site, 
Gamla Hamnen on Stora Fjaderagg Island and a Saami hearth on Bjuroklubb. 


148 


Figure 


160. 


Chronology of Bothnian sealing huts. 


150 


Fi^ 


Jure 


161. 


Lengths and widths of Bothnian huts. 


152 


Fi^ 


Jure 


162. 


Hut forms by radiocarbon date. 


152 


Fij 


Jure 


163. 


Saami goat hut. 


152 


Fi^ 


Jure 


164. 


Coastal hut forms in North Norway and the Kola Peninsula. 


153 


Fi^ 


Jure 


165. 


Clustering of huts at Grundskatan. 


154 


Fi^ 


Jure 


166. 


Clustering of huts at Stora Fjaderagg. 


155 


Fi^ 


Jure 


167. 


Clustering of huts at Hornslandsudde. 


155 


Fi^ 


Jure 


168. 


Typical clustering of 5 dwellings. 


156 


Fi^ 


Jure 


169. 


Reconstruction of site complex near Site 70 on Bjuron. 


156 


Fi^ 


Jure 


170. 


Various possible hut forms and constructions at Grundskatan. 


157 


Fi^ 


Jure 


171. 


Numbers of place-names with the prefix ren (reindeer) and rmgard (reindeer 
corral). 


160 


Fi^ 


Jure 


172. 


Bjuroklubb 67. 


167 


Fi^ 


Jure 


173- 


Vent in Bjuroklubb 67. 


167 


Fi^ 


Jure 


174. 


Map of Hut II at Grundskatan. 


168 


Fi^ 


Jure 


175- 


Reconstruction of Huts 12-1}. (Hornslandsudde) 


168 


Fi^ 


Jure 


176. 


Detail of forging hearth in Hut 12, Hornslandsudde. 


169 


Fi^ 


Jure 


177. 


Slag from Grundskatan Site 78, Hut 11. 


169 


Fi^ 


Jure 


178. 


Iron scales, ropey iron and sphericals from Grundskatan Site 78, Hut 11. 


169 


Fi^ 


Jure 


179. 


Furnace clay from Bjuroklubb 67. 


169 


Fi^ 


Jure 


180. 


Map showing general distribution of documented bear burials and bone 
depositions in Sweden and Norway. 


172 


Fi^ 


Jure 


181. 


A Saami at an offer site with a stone seite and antlers. 


175 


Fi^ 


Jure 


182. 


Animal offerings at 357 sites. 


176 


Fi^ 


Jure 


183. 


Find-places of bear burials and bone depositions in Norway and Sweden. 


178 


Fi^ 


Jure 


184. 


Percentages of bear burials and bone depositions by landscape feature. 


179 


Fi^ 


Jure 


185. 


Bear burials by date. 


179 


Fi^ 


Jure 


186. 


Bear bones from Hut 4 at Grundskatan. 


180 


Fi^ 


Jure 


187. 


Map of circular sacrificial sites in Sweden and Norway. 


185 


Fi^ 


Jure 


188. 


Photo of a circular feature at Gagsmark. 


187 


Fi^ 


Jure 


189. 


Circular sacrificial feature. Site 133, Hornslandet. 


188 


Fi^ 


Jure 


190. 


Circular features in their social context. 


190 


Fi^ 


Jure 


191. 


Late Iron Age coastline and place-names referred to in the text. 


192 



LIST OF FIGURES 



XXIli 



Fi^ 


Jure 


192. 


Map of some Saami place-names and characteristic Lapp place-names near 
Skelletftea and Umea. 


194 


Fi^ 


Jure 


193. 


Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" in Upper Norrland. 


195 


Fi^ 


Jure 


194. 


Map of Lovanger church town. 


197 


Fi^ 


Jure 


195. 


Distribution of 1,147 Lapp place-names in Sweden. 


200 


Fi^ 


Jure 


196. 


Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" by county. 


200 


Fi^ 


Jure 


197. 


Map and profile drawing of the earth wall at Broange. 


203 


Fi^ 


Jure 


198. 


Sixteenth-century seal-netting areas of Lovanger parish. 


205 


Figure 


199. 


Map of villages and coastal economic zones. 


205 


Figure 


200. 


Reconstructed sijdda village territories in Lovanger. 


207 


Fij 


Jure 


201. 


Map of Nordic labyrinths. 


210 


Fi^ 


Jure 


202. 


Displacement of the Saami from the Bothnian coastland. 


212 


Fi^ 


Jure 


203. 


Half built labyrinth at Svarthallviken on Bjuron. 


212 


Fi^ 


Jure 


204. 


Saint Olav statue from Enanger Church in Halsingland. 


214 


Fi^ 


Jure 


205. 


The labyrinth and the Bronze Age cairn at lavre. 


215 



XXIV 



LIST OF FIGURES 



List of Tables 



Table i. Chronological periods in Sweden and Norway. 30 

Table 2. Investigated sites. 45 

Table 3. Calculated rates of shoreline displacement in Vasterbotten County. 48 

Table 4. Hut 67: Osteological finds. 64 

Table 5. Site 138. Species by weight. 67 

Table 6. Site 138. Species by fragment. 67 

Table 7. Site 138, Hut A: Anatomical distribution of burned bone fragments from seals. 68 

Table 8. Site 138, Hut B: Anatomical distribution of burned bone fragments. 68 

Table 9. Grundskatan, Hut i: Anatomical distribution of bones. 73 

Table 10. Grundskatan, Hut i: Macrofossils. 73 

Table 11. Grundskatan, Hut 2: Macrofossils. 75 

Table 12. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Bones (fragments). 76 

Table 13. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Anatomical representation for ringed and indeterminate 

seals on the floor and in the hearth, burned bones (fragments). 76 

Table 14. Grundskatan, Hut 4: Identified species based on numbers of fragments and 

weights for burned bones in hearth. 78 

Table 15. Bear ( Ursus arctos) bones by weight. 81 

Table 16. Bear bones by fragment. 82 

Table 17. Bear bones by anatomy. 82 

Table 18. Sites 31-32, Hut A: Faunal remains by weight. 95 

Table 19. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones recovered in different areas, by weight. 96 

Table 20. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species by weight. 97 

Table 21. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species, based on numbers of identified specimens. 97 

Table 22. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the floor area. 97 

Table 23. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the hearth. 98 

Table 24. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the i m^ pit. 98 

Table 25. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 98 

Table 26. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, charred bones. 99 

Table 27. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, burned bones. 100 

Table 28. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 102 



XXV 



Table 


7 Ci 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut B: 


Auatomiral renreseritatinri foT seals bv MAIJ (rninirnum 








anatomical unit). 




102 


Table 


j^- 


Sites 31- 


j^' 


Hut B: 


Anatomical renTesentation foT seals 


104 


Table 


j'-- 


Sites 31- 


J ' 


Hut B: 


Anatomicnl representation for seals by weight. 


104 


Table 


7 9 


Sites 31- 


J ' 


Hut B: 




T n t; 


Table 




Sites 31- 


J ' 


Hut B: 


Burned bones, anatomical representation for seals by weight. 




Table 


T.A 


Sites 31- 


J ' 


Hut B: 


Unburned bones, anatomical representation for seals. 


106 


Table 


2 C 
JJ- 


Sites 31- 


-^2 
J^' 


Hut B: 


Unburned bones, anatomical representation for seals, by 








weight. 








106 


Table 




Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut B: 


r^Vi^^VTPr] linrip*^ ;^ri^itnTnirpl TpnrpQpnt^tinn For <^:p^i1<x 

Vjlldi J- Vw, L'Wllv_0, dlldLWimV_dl i L/i C oC^l 1 Ld 11*^11 ivJi OVidlO. 


106 


Table 


j/- 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut B: 


r^n^iTTPn linnp's pn^itomir;^] TPnTPc:pTitatinri for *sp:^1's liv wpiont 

V_/l id± i \_ \J. L/WilV-O, dlldLWllllV^dl XV— L'lV„iZ5V_.llLd Ul Wl 1 oV-dlO J VV l_ L . 


TO'7 


Table 


j^ 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut B: 


Bones exhibiting marks of butchery. 


107 


Table 


39- 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut D: 


Identified species. 


108 


Table 


40. 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


Hut D: 


Anatomical representation for indeterminate seals, burned 








bones. 








109 


Table 


41. 


Sites 31- 


-32, 


HutD: 


Anatomical representation for seals by MAU. 


109 



Table 42. Stora Fjaderagg: Bones from Gamla Hamnen. 112 

Table 43. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species by weight. 115 

Table 44. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species. 115 

Table 45. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined burned bones by species. 116 

Table 46. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined unburned bones by species. 116 

Table 47. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined charred bones by species. 116 

Table 48. Stor-Rebben: Bones in Huts A and B. 122 

Table 49. Stor-Rebben: Unburned bones by fragment. 128 

Table 50. Stor-Rebben: Anatomical breakdown of bones. 129 

Table 51. Chronological horizons by site. 142 

Table 52. Clusters of hut dates (weighted averages). 143 

Table 53. End-dates of the sealing sites. 144 

Table 54. Finds and dates of domesticated animals. 159 

Table 55. Finds of iron slag, clay and iron furnaces. 165 

Table 56. Low-lying Lapp place-names in Lovanger parish. 196 

Table 57. Lapp place-names in Vasterbotten County. 198 

Table 58. Place-name associations by county. 198 

Table 59. Distances traveled between farmsteads and church towns. 204 

Table 60. The villages of Lovanger parish. 206 



xxvl 



LIST OF TABLES 



Lapps and Labyrinths 



Saami Prehistory, Colonization and Cultural Resilience 



Figure i. View of seal hunters' dwelling (Hut B ) lying ig meters above present sea level on Stora Fjaderagg Island, Vdsterbotten. 



Introduction and Narrative Context 



The Viking Age (ca. A.D. 700-1100) is one of the most fascinating periods of European history. 
This was the juncture between prehistory and written history in northern Europe and for the 
first time we could know more about these ancient societies than mere artifacts could convey. 
The Norse Sagas and other accounts tell us not only about Scandinavian exploits, but also about the 
indigenous reindeer people of the north they called Lapps. These people, whose self-designation 
is Saami, were experts in northern travel technologies, including skis, sleds and sewn and riveted 
boats of the types that brought the Swedish Vikings down Russian rivers to Constantinople, and 
that were still used by coastal fishermen in Norway and sealers on the Gulf of Bothnia in the twen- 
tieth century (Schefferus 1673:280-282; Bonns 1988; Eldjarn and Godal 1988; Westerdahl 1995a; 
Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 20063:65-79). 

Far from being a marginalized backwater, most of the forces of European history and me- 
dieval mercantilism played out in this northern region of hiuiter-gatherers, herders, farmers and 
traders. Flexible patterns of kinship and social alliances, diverse economic strategies and highly 
effective travel technologies facilitated remarkable contacts with the outside world; hundreds of 
Viking Age objects that reflect a vast Eurasian trading network have been found at Saami offer sites 
in Swedish Lapland (cf Serning 1956; Zachrisson 1984). 

The interplay of different cultural influences, with impulses coming from both the east and 
the south, is what makes the Nordic region among the most dynamic of the Circumpolar North.' 
These interactions are the key to understanding Saami origins, locked not into antiquated ideas 
of great migrations, but of indigenous societies that pursued their own historical destinies and 
adapted over thousands of years to environmental, technological and cultural changes. 

The maritime perspective is in equal measure essential for understanding Nordic prehistory 
and history. Seas almost completely encompass the Scandinavian Peninsula (Norway and Sweden) 
and extend along most of the length and breadth of Finland. The coasts and larger waterways were 
the principal means of travel to the north, south and east, and the thousands of lakes, streams and 
rivers were the arteries that sustained Nordic life. These bodies of water provided abundant sources 
of fish and marine mammals and the ameliorating effects of the maritime climate made the Nordic 
region, at the same latitude as Alaska, a part of agrarian Europe. 

The Saami are best known today as nomadic herders living in the interior and in northernmost 
regions of Norway, Sweden, Finland and northwestern Russia - but this was not always the case. This 
book addresses the issue of Saami ethnogenesis, the origins of Saami cultural identities, through the 



1 



archaeology of the Swedish Bothnian coast. The title of this book introduces two terms that bring these 
Saami origins to the forefront. The first of these is "Lapp." The existence of more than i,ioo place- 
names referring to Lapps in Sweden, of which 87% are on the Bothnian coast, is a reflection of the 
history of contacts between the Saami and other groups. These places are of great importance for under- 
standing the development of modern Saami identity (refer Chapter 2 regarding the origin of this name). 

The second term is "Labyrinth," referring to hundreds of stone circles found around the Gulf 
of Bothnia. The labyrinths were Christian symbols in this region and are associated with medieval 
and later historic fishing sites. They were manifestations of Swedish colonization, the power of the 
church that came with it, and the point at which a balanced relationship started to turn into one of 
suppression, setting the pattern that changed the course of northern history from the fourteenth 
century onward. This linguistic and cultural evidence helps to frame the archaeological narrative 
in both time and space. 

The archaeological project focuses on the County of Vasterbotten about 800 km north of 
Stockholm. Comparisons are also made at sites along a 500 km stretch of the Bothnian coast to 
within 300 km of Stockholm. This north to south transect encompasses areas of likely Saami settle- 
ment and extends to areas of Germanic/Scandinavian settlement during the period A.D. 1-1500. 
This line also intersects the Mid-Nordic region, which spans across the Scandinavian Peninsula 
from the Norwegian coast in the west to Finland in the east. The northern part of this coastal region 
has been discussed by other authors (Grundberg 2001, 2006), primarily with regard to Germanic 
and medieval history, but also as "Saamiland" (cf Bergvall and Persson 2004; Ahren 2004:63-89; 
Erikson 2004:151-186; Westerdahl 2004:111-139). This was a major zone of cultural interaction 
with both Saami and Germanic settlements (cf Ramqvist 1983; Liedgren 1992; Gullberg 1994; 
Zachrisson 1988, 1991, 1992, 1995, et al. 1997a). 

Many ideas about the Saami have derived from evolutionary theories that held that societies 
not only evolved from the primitive to the civilized - nomadic herders were intermediate between 
hunters and farmers - but that these cultures still exist as living fossils. The Saami were conse- 
quently seen as an exotic society, representing a second stage of cultural development. The interac- 
tions of northern peoples over thousands of years challenge these evolutionary ideas in a multitude 
of ways. Resiliency, the ability to adapt to change, has entailed cultural and economic heterogeneity. 
The harsh environments of the north have necessitated economic diversity, collaboration between 
groups, and shifts from sedentary to more mobile settlement systems and back again. The same is 
true regarding technologies, and it is among the northern hunter-gatherers, for example, that we 
find some of the first metallurgy of the Nordic region (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993). Saami prehistory is 
a remarkable example of northern resiliency, and resilience theory is central to this archaeological 
analysis, including discussions of long-term human environmental interactions and social change. 

Vikings, Dwarves and Giants 

Worldviews also met and merged as the shamanistic beliefs of the circumpolar world became 
deeply entrenched in the Nordic psyche, finding form in the religion of the Vikings (Dubois 1999; 
Price 2002). There are also examples where the meeting of these two peoples resulted in the stuff of 
folklore. The Nordic fascination with dwarves, trolls and giants may have grown out of early contacts 
between the Saami and the Norse (Nilsson 1866:153-157; Saressalo 1987). The master ironsmith 
of Norse mythology, Vokmdr/Weland, was descended from dwarves and was the son of the Finn 



2 



CHAPTER 1 



[Saami] King. He made the magic sword, Gram, and the rings, which were portals to other worlds,^ 
as popularized in Tolkien's Lord of the Rings. Volundr was also a shaman who hunted reindeer, and 
presumably bears, on skis (Bseksted 1970:228-231). 

Giants entered the academic discourse as late as the 1970s in a discussion of the "Stalo" crea- 
tures of Saami folklore. The Stalo were interpreted as steel-using Norse giants involved in reindeer 
hunting in the mountain foothills of Sweden and Norway (Kjellstrom 1976). Although the Saami 
and the Norse were almost certainly actively involved with each other in the exploitation of these 
alpine resources (cf Sommerseth 2004; Bergstol 2004), there is little reason to assume that this 
kind of interaction inevitably involved hostilities and subordination. On the contrary, there is much 
evidence of interdependencies, not least in hunting, but also in religion. 

What Is the Cuhural Identity of the Saami? 

Nomadic reindeer herding, the dominant symbol of Saami identity today, is the legal basis for their 
recognition as a cultural group by Swedish authorities. But what happens to Saami rights when 
nomadic herding, considered as an economic sector on par with forestry and tourism in Sweden 
(Broadbent and Lantto 2008), is not part of the equation.^ Above all, how do our misconceptions 
about the past influence the policies and decisions of lawmakers, courts and governments.^ 

The more information we have about Saami culture, the more complex the question of "Saa- 
miness" becomes, and there are no simple answers. That there are nine Saami languages across 
four nations suggest that there could be just as many answers as to where and how Saami identities 
were formed. Archaeological analysis does not deal with living individuals but rather with physi- 
cal remains, and there are many opinions regarding the difficulties of connecting archaeological 
evidence to Saami ethnicity (Kleppe 1977; Reymert 1980; Odner 1983; Werbart 2002; Hansen and 
Olsen 2004; Wallerstrom 2006). Although there is much controversy regarding the issue, nearly 
all agree that the most relevant question is not "who was first," but how did the Saami and the 
north Scandinavians become who they are today.^ The criteria of Saami identity in archaeology, 
notwithstanding genetic and linguistic arguments, most often encompass economies (hunters/ 
herders versus farmers); religious expressions, such as burial practices and grave forms, offer sites 
and other types of sacred places; material culture (artifacts, dress, etc.); social organization, espe- 
cially the so-called sijdda/siida (a basic settlement unit of Saami society); dwelling types, the kdta/ 
goahU; and common territory (Rank 1948; Reymert 1980; Yates 1989; Zachrisson i997b:i89-22o; 
Hansen and Olsen 2004:18-45). These criteria can be somewhat self-fulfilling, however, as they are 
partly based on historically known Saami culture in Lapland. They tend to reinforce the idea that 
this culture was relatively recent, uniform and limited in extent. 

Ethnic membership is often based on subjective, non-empirical, arbitrary and emotional 
principles or issues, sometimes in ways that outsiders cannot understand (Kent 2002:4-5). While 
ethnicity may rest on a universal predilection of humans to select positively in favor of their own 
kinsman, it is also variable because of the diverse cultural meanings that people in different histori- 
cal circumstances have drawn upon in interpreting this predilection (Keyes 1981:6-8). The cultural 
characteristics marked as emblematic of ethnic identity also depend upon interpretations of mythi- 
cal ancestors and symbolic beings, including animals. In this respect, consideration of spiritual 
entities becomes an essential part of analysis, at least from the archaeological perspective, of the 
physical by-products of ritual behaviors. 



INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT 



3 



The Testimony of a Bear . . . 

My archaeological investigations started out as a straightforward study of seal hunting during the 
Iron Age in the North Bothnian region of Sweden and Finland (Broadbent 1987a, 1987b, 1989a, 
1989b, 1991, 2000). As this region is outside of Lapland, I admittedly initially gave little thought to 
Saami prehistory. In fact, Saami archaeology in Sweden seemed at the time to be an exotic field con- 
nected with interior and alpine regions and with reindeer, not with seals. It took a second research 
project to fully connect this coastal material to the Saami past (Broadbent 2004b, 2006; Wennstedt 
Edvinger and Broadbent 2006; Broadbent and Wennstedt Edvinger n.d.). 

The turning point in my own thinking grew out of a single archaeological discovery. This 
find, buried in the corner of a Viking Age dwelling on the North Bothnian coast, consisted of the 
bones of a brown bear (Broadbent and Stora 2003). These bones were not ordinary food residues as 
found in cooking hearths, but bones that had been carefully selected, systematically placed and then 
sealed under a stone cairn on the floor of a dwelling. This deposition of bones seemed incongruous 
and yet, as I came to realize when they proved contemporary with the hearth, was one of the most 
revealing finds of the project. This was a ritual bear burial of South Saami type. 

Bear ceremonialism was widespread in the Circumpolar Region and is well documented 
among Finno-Ugrian hunters and herders (Schefferus 1673; Reuterskiold 1912; Hallowell 1926; 
Haavio 1952; Paproth 1964; Zachrisson and Iregren 1974; Backman and Hultkrantz 1978; Edsman 
1994; Mebius 2003). The bear also figured in Germanic Iron Age funerary contexts in middle Swe- 
den, Gotland, Oland, southwest Norway and the Aland Islands, where the dead were sometimes 
buried lying on or wrapped in bear skins, of which only phalanges remain (Petre 1980). This prac- 
tice was common over much of Northern Europe and has been associated with the graves of elites 
(Schonfelder 1994). Post-mortem bear rites and burials, as practiced by the Saami, were an entirely 
different kind of phenomenon conducted out of respect for the animal, to ask for forgiveness for the 
killing, for the protection of the body and, ultimately, for rebirth and renewal (Hallowell 1926:154). 
Saami bear burials connected the human and animal worlds through this cult. They have been 
dated to as early as A.D. 200 and as recently as the nineteenth century (Myrstad 1996), but these 
bear rites may be thousands of years older in the Nordic region. 

So what were these Saami doing on the Bothnian coast, and what happened to them.^ This 
was a culture that disappeared a century before the demise of the Norse settlers on Greenland, and 
two centuries before Columbus sailed into the New World. This is also a contested landscape, in 
reality and in peoples' minds. The fate of these Saami is one of the most fascinating questions of 
the investigation. 

The Power of Historical Narratives 

Saami and Scandinavian relations are not just an academic matter, however, and relate to historical 
narratives and the formation of the Swedish state. The Saami, like most indigenous peoples, have 
been characterized more by history than by prehistory (Olsen 1994:20-30, 1998). Historical nar- 
ratives and myths were nearly always created to sanctify unity and establish historical precedence 
in the nation-building process (Carr 1986; Hodder 1991; Richards 1992; Kramer 1997), and the be- 
ginnings of Nordic archaeology were intimately connected with this political process. In the seven- 
teenth century, the father of Swedish antiquarianism, Olof Rudbeck, went so far as to propose that 
the Nordic Peninsula had been an island, and that Sweden was the mythical Atlantis. A national 



4 



CHAPTER 1 



registry of rune stones, grave mounds and antiquities was initiated as evidence of a glorious Nordic 
past (Klindt-Jensen 1975; Baudou 2004). Sweden had been embroiled in the Thirty Year's War and 
their prowess in warfare was believed by German Catholics to be due to Saami sorcery, and indeed, 
the Saami had been feared since Viking times for their supposed witchcraft. Trials of Saami sus- 
pected of sorcery were initiated in the seventeenth century and later (Skold 1993:64-81). Johannes 
Schefferus' Lapponia (The History of Lapland) published in 1673 and later translated into German 
and English in 1673-1682, was undertaken as a response to such allegations and to facilitate the 
Christian mission. Schefferus was not an historian per se, but a professor of rhetoric and, signifi- 
cantly, government at Uppsala University. 

Prominent nineteenth-century Swedish prehistorians were otherwise quite open to the legiti- 
macy of the Saami past. Sven Nilsson, who was a professor of Natural History at Lund University, 
is credited with one of the first scientific studies of prehistory in the country. In his Skandinaviska 
Nordens Ur-Invdnare (The Aboriginal Populations of Nordic Scandinavia), Nilsson wrote: 

After numerous investigations, I came to the conclusion that the people who used the stone tools 
were a Hyper-boreal (polar) tribe, to which I count the Lapps and that these peoples lived on the 
coasts of southern Sweden in a manner similar to that of the Greenlanders and other Eskimos in 
America. These peoples, of which the Lapps are the last suwivors, were forced into the mountains 
of the Scandinavian North, but had in the most ancient times not only lived in the southern parts 
of this country, but probably in the rest of northern and Western Europe, Denmark, northern 
Germany, the British Isles and parts of France. (1866:106) 

These ideas were followed up on and given better focus by Oscar Montelius in three papers at 
the International Congress of Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology in Stockholm (Montelius 
1876a, 1876b, 1876c). Montelius and Hans Hildebrand in Sweden and Oluf Rygh in Norway coined 
the terms "Arctic Stone Age" and "Lappish Stone Age" with regard to the slate and quartz cultures 
of the northern parts of both countries. Montelius charted the north to south distributions of flint, 
slate and bronze artifacts in order to demonstrate the existence of two cultural regions (18763:191, 
1876c: 511). With reference to von Diiben's Om Lappar och Lappland (On Lapps and Lapland) from 
1873, Montelius rejected the idea that the Lapps were all over southern Sweden and Europe, and 
instead believed they came in from the far north and around the Gulf of Bothnia during the period 
they were using bone, quartz and slate tools. With the acquisition of metallurgy they expanded 
southward to the 6ist parallel and reached their maximum territorial extent following the Black 
Death in 1350. They were subsequently largely assimilated, while others retreated into the mountain 
regions in the west (Montelius 18763:195). Montelius's ideas were remarkably perceptive for his day. 

Inger Zachrisson (19973:11-20) has divided the history of ideas about Saami prehistory into 
four phases. In the period 1820-1860, scholars like Nilsson believed that the Lapps were a Nordic 
urbefolking who once lived all over Scandinavi3. The period 1860-1900 was characterized by ideas 
about "two Stone Age cultures," one in the north and one in the south. The third phase (1900-1970S) 
had more racial overtones. In 1919, Oscar Montelius shifted from his earlier cultural-historical ideas 
to seeing the Lapps as a race (Montelius 1919). Another of the early pioneers of Swedish archaeology, 
Gustaf Hallstrom, was convinced that the Stone Age cultures of northern Sweden were of Scandi- 
navian origin and that the Lapps had immigrated much later (Hallstrom 1929). 



INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT 



5 



SKANDINAVI8KA 



NORDENS UR-INUANARE, 

ett forsok i komparativa Etlmografien 



ett bidrag till menniBkoslagtete utvecklings historia; 



SVEN NILSSON, 



. I>.. F'fofCBSor naieritao; J 
, af K. VcwivBk, , (if K. Vii 
1 Ortlfborn; Ltd. iif V^-i.-f- 
urioa.; LTmp. cl R. A... ,r 
» in PhiladclpLiii: Tli- \ 
; N&turwtM. In Marburi-' 
lb, Oewh. a. Alterth ii. 
'uunlc* I BeUlngfors eaait 



f K. NordBiJ. Ord^ Liut. af K. \Va»n Ord,, Kommend. af K. D. Danocbrogs Ord. 



nllqv.-Akad., 
1 T'hvaloffT Kall^k. i f.iio ! 

ikila Vallc Tiberiii.i 't ■ 
r i.oDdon membr. bi'in r 

I am Mayn. GOrlll/ 
- r pbya. Turki Nor<l 
.;. Altcnb. til ZUricb n.LU,! 



K. VticDBk. o.ViUorh-- 
1 K riiii iitinvB ; A>:ad. Cn-a. Leop. Carol. 
I, i-i^iiion; Tbe Aeadcmy of Natural 
!■ / BerllDi WeUer-GflseUsch. in 

Kj..i. I r...ui^ Slllsk. pro Fauna «t I'lora 
Si.i'iety of Loadnu, Coircup. 



fOrsta BANDET. 
S t e n a 1 d e r n. 

Aiidra I'pplagaii, 

MID AVMABKNIliGAR Ol 11 TILLAGG, SAMT 6;TID K-VPITLET (OM BKOKSKUl.TUREN!! IIRIENTM.1 URSPUlTIGj 
OMAEBETADT. KliR^EDD MEU XVl.OGRAHER OCH EN MANGD LlTOGHAFIERAl'E UGLUEK. 



Figure 2. Front plate of Vol. I (The Stone Age) of Sven Nilsson's The Aboriginal 
Population of Nordic Scandinavia: An Attempt at Comparative Ethnography and a 
Contribution to Humankind's Evolutionary History (second edition, 1866). 



In the 1980s, new ideas started developing in Norway inspired by social anthropology. Knut 
Odner and Bjornar Olsen, influenced by the theories of Frederik Barth (1969), began character- 
izing Saami ethnogenesis as the result of cultural interactions, including collaboration and conflict 
(Odner 1983; cf Olsen 1994) - more specifically, local hunters in North Norway and Finland with 
metal-producing agrarian groups from central and eastern Russia (Jorgensen 1986; j0rgensen and 
Olsen 1988). Hansen and Olsen (2004:36-42) pushed this process of "cultural consolidation" back 
to the Early Metal Age/Bronze Age. 



6 



CHAPTER 1 



Against this background, 
I have been struck by how much 
Saami and Nordic cultures had 
in common in northern Swe- 
den, and how much the Saami 
had contributed to Swedish cul- 
ture. Many Saami offer rites 
and ritual practices, for in- 
stance, mirror Germanic Iron 
Age practices, and vice versa. 
Hunting and land-use patterns 
are remarkably similar through- 
out the Stone, Bronze and Iron 
Ages. The northern hunter- 
gatherer past is even expressed 
in historic times by the orga- 
nization of farmsteads on the 
Bothnian coast (Roeck-Hansen 
2002) and through beliefs about 
forest spirits (Rathje 2001:162-174). There is abundant evidence of long-term continuity in coastal 
Vasterbotten. 

Cultures can change relatively quickly but still retain cognitive structures that transcend race, 
economy, material culture and even religion (Goody 1977; Banton 1981; Lloyd 1990; D'Andrade 
1995). The ways northern societies related to their environments, both natural and human, are 
therefore central to our understanding of the origins of identities (Berkes and Folke 1998; Berkes 
1999; Ingold 2000). Oral histories, stories, myths and sagas are the verbal repositories of these 
memories. The bear rites and stories about dwarves and Stalo giants are examples of this phenom- 
enon. They are so-called longue duree manifestations of cultural identity (cf Braudel 1949; Thomas 
1996; Redman and Kinzig 2003). Long-term continuities have also been described as the "cultural 
trajectories" of local societies, and these can sometimes converge with those of majority societies 
because of common interests (Wolf 1997:23). 

The Saami have, nevertheless, been viewed as a dilemma and as peripheral in Nordic ar- 
chaeology. There have been both racial and evolutionary overtones in the discussions and, in spite 
of the social anthropological interpretations regarding the origins of ethnic/cultural identities, the 
narratives inevitably break down to minority and majority power relations (Eriksen 1993). 

Archaeology and the Welfare State 

While the methods of modern archaeology are the same everywhere, there is a fundamental dif- 
ference between European archaeology and the "archaeology as anthropology" paradigm that 
characterizes North American archaeology. Anthropological archaeology grew out of the colonial 
experience of Europeans in North and South America, Africa, Australia and Asia. European ar- 
chaeology has focused instead on national identities and has had the political goal of asserting the 
origins and histories of those societies. Social interpretations, particularly since the 1970s, have 




Figure ]. Plate VIII showing artifacts from Sweden, Ireland, Mexico, Greenland 
and Pennsylvania together with an Eskimo igloo (Sven Nilsson 1866). 



INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT 



7 



consequently often been based on European political, economic and sociological theory (cf. Gid- 
dens 1977) and especially Neo-Marxism, including World Systems Theory (Wallerstein 1974) and 
the French Annales School of Historiography (cf Braudel 1949; Bourdieu 1977). Although I have 
found these theories very useful in my own research, they have also led many Nordic scholars, in 
my opinion, to an overemphasis on the explanatory importance of conflicts and crises, a perspective 
that still dominates interpretations of northern prehistory. Curiously, although northern Sweden 
has clearly been subjected to internal colonialism (cf Loeffler 2005), this has manifested itself 
politically as the victimization of the Swedish settlers, hydroelectric-, forest- and mine workers by 
the state, and who resent the outflow of capital to Stockholm more than the plight of the Saami. 

But, even in its most benign forms, nationalistic archaeology has rendered the rights of mi- 
nority societies problematic. This was complicated in Sweden by the development of the welfare 
state system in the 1930s. Racial hygiene (eugenics) and education were among the core principles 
of this social engineering effort. Sweden had already been the first country in Europe to establish 
a State Institute of Racial Biology [1921]. The Sterilization Act, implemented in 1941 and affecting 
some 63,000 Swedish citizens, mostly women, was only discontinued in 1975, 30 years after WWII 
(Broberg and Roll-Hansen 2005; Broberg and Tyden 2005:77-149). 

As early as 1913, special nomadic schools were established for Saami children to help preserve 
the nomadic lifestyle and perpetuate the stereotype of the Saami as primitive, vulnerable and con- 
sequently needing the protection of the state (Lundmark 1998, 2002:40-41). It was believed that 
the Saami were even physically predisposed for reindeer nomadism. These ideas have been referred 
to as "a Lapp shall remain a Lapp" policy (Lundmark 2002:63-75). The Germans, while occupying 
Norway from 1940, seem to have shared this patronizing view, allowing the Saami, for example, to 
continue with trans-border herding (Lantto 2005). These social goals have had, and still have, major 
political, economic and cultural consequences. "Real" (nomadic reindeer herding) Saami were put 
under state protection and Saami land was, and still is, state-owned. The remaining 90% of the 
Saami in Sweden, the non-reindeer-owners, have been viewed as assimilated (cf Morkenstam 1999). 

Ironically, in spite of the protectionist ideology for the herders and international solidarity 
regarding human rights and the support of archaeology in developing countries through the Swed- 
ish International Development Agency, the Swedish government still refuses to acknowledge the 
Saami, including the herders, as indigenous people in accordance with United Nation policies (ILO 
nr. 169, 1989). Convention 169 comprises the principles, guidelines and obligations for the protec- 
tion of indigenous peoples, including their institutions, properties, lands and culture. Indigenous 
people are defined under these provisions as people having their origins in ethnic groups that lived 
in the country when national borders were formed, and who have wholly or partly retained their 
social, economic, cultural and political organizations. 

The situation has been exacerbated by an unreflective projection of majority culture in Nordic 
museums (cf Goodnow and Akman 2008). In her study regarding Saami representations in Swed- 
ish and Finnish museums, Janet E. Levy found while Nordic continuities with the Viking past are 
still presented as an almost foregone conclusion, there is at the same time an earnest desire to "de- 
politicize" archaeology and to not discuss ethnicity (Levy 2006). Unfortunately, this non-committal 
position de facto relegates the question of Saami origins to that of a prehistoric wilderness, almost 
the same attitude toward these people and their "unoccupied" lands as expressed by the Swedish 
Crown in 1328 (cf Steckzen 1964:119-128). 



8 



CHAPTER 1 



Intellectual polarity can go both ways but the majority (master) narrative always has a distinct 
advantage on the national stage (cf. Zachrisson 2004). This study aims to create a more balanced 
picture of prehistory. While it should be obvious that one cannot take identities of the present and un- 
critically apply them to the past, it is equally obvious that these identities have pasts and we have an 
obligation to understand their origins, particularly when these affect policies today (cf Ojala 2006). 

The Means to an End 

This book is intended to be accessible to a broad professional readership and an international pub- 
lic who have an interest in archaeology, climate change, Nordic prehistory and history, cultural 
resiliency and northern indigenous issues. One immediate goal has been to publish the original 
archaeological data from the project, but this is also very much a book of ideas. I have long argued 
that the Nordic region is one of the best places in the world to study long-term cultural interactions, 
not only because of the meeting of two great cultural-ecological systems, but because of the socio- 
economic complexities not often seen this far north (Broadbent 2000). 

This is also a highly interdisciplinary study. Like the issue of Saami ethnogenesis itself, it 
is often at the "borderlands" that the greatest dynamics of systems occur, be they cultural and/or 
ecological, and where the causes and effects of change are most easily observed and understood 
(Broadbent 1997). Archaeological data are always fragmentary and to overcome these limitations 
I have turned to the ecology of lichens, geophysics, chemical analyses, organization of northern 
church towns, place-name distributions, tax records and so forth in order to fill in the many blanks. 
From this web of information emerges a picture of the past much like a photograph in a developing 
tray. This picture is the subject of the book. The narrative is the interpretation of this picture and 
its origins in 7,000 years of prehistory (cf. Carlsson 1998). 

Historian Eric R. Wolf has best described this search for a past: 

We can no longer be content writing the histoiy of the victorious elites, or with documenting the 
subjugation of dominated ethnic groups . . . we thus need to uncover the "people without his- 
tory . . ." (iggy.xvi) 

Of course, there are no people without histories of their own, and I trust I have moved us 
closer toward illuminating the Saami past through this interdisciplinary archaeological effort. The 
last chapter is a synthesis of the conclusions of the study and offers some perspectives on what 
we can learn from prehistory about resiliency and the value of cultural diversity in contemporary 
society. 

Notes 

1. The term circumpolar refers to the northern lands encompassing the Arctic Ocean and hav- 
ing Arctic and Sub-Arctic climates, plants, animals and cultures. 

2. A large iron ring with the oldest Nordic law code written in runes was found spiked to the 
door of Forsa Church in Halsingland, northern Sweden. It was probably taken from a pre-Christian 
cult site or temple in the region ("Ringen fran Forsa." Catalogue edited by Ian Lundell and Lars 
Nylander, Halsinglands museum-Hudiksvall 2005). 



INTRODUCTION AND NARRATIVE CONTEXT 



9 




Figure 4. The Circumpolar Region. The Nordic region is the northwestern corner of the Eurasian continent and a long- 
term meeting-ground of circumpolar and European plants, animals and peoples. The capital cities of Oslo, Stockholm and 
Helsinki coincide with the Goth parallel and the ecological boundary between these two worlds. 



Culture and Ecology 



The Historical-Ecological Setting 

Scandinavia includes the kingdoms of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. The Nordic countries by 
definition also include Finland, Iceland, Greenland and the Faroe Islands in the North Atlantic. 
The Nordic region is a meeting ground of two great human-environmental systems: the North Eu- 
ropean and the circumpolar worlds. The borderland between these two biogeographical regions in 
Sweden is called Limes noniandicus, the Norrland (North Land) border, and coincides roughly with 
the Dal River (Dalalven) and the Goth parallel, which runs just north of the capital cities of Oslo 
and Stockholm and south of Helsinki (Figure 4). 

Human history in Sweden and Norway plays out against the background of major envi- 
ronmental changes on land and in the seas within the confines of a ca. 400 km wide peninsula 
between the North Atlantic and the Baltic Sea. The northern boreal forest (taiga) extends eastward 
from Norway and Eurasia to the Bering Straits and across Alaska to Canada. The high latitudes 
and environments make the Nordic North an indisputable part of the circumpolar world. Many 
indigenous peoples, such as the Saami, developed cultural adaptations and survival strategies that 
are unique to these northern forest, tundra and maritime environments (Gjessing 1944). 

The Importance of the Coastal Zone 

The significance of the Bothnian coast in Saami prehistory has been little discussed in Sweden, 
even though the idea is not new. Birger Steckzen (1964), an historian and archivist, speculated that 
the disappearance of the Saami from this coastland was due to brutal taxation by the Birkarls, state- 
sanctioned tax collectors operating in the fourteenth century. He was well aware of the Iron Age hut 
sites, but none of this material had been excavated. Gustaf Hallstrom, who had mapped many of 
the coastal sites in Vasterbotten, had commented on their similarities to the so-called "Stalo huts" 
in the sub-alpine regions of Sweden (1949:76). In 1965, Skelleftea Museum director Ernst Wester- 
lund rejected the idea of coastal Saami in Vasterbotten, rebutting Steckzen (1964), and ascribing 
the sites to seasonal sealers and fishermen from the south, or even to Swedish settlers (Westerlund 
1965). The idea of a "local" culture has also been argued (cf Rathje 2001). Westerlund's view has 
been a commonly held opinion (cf Westin 1962; Norman 1993; Lindstrom and Olofsson 1993), and 
there has been little interest, and even an aversion, by any but a handful of Swedish archaeologists 
in arguing otherwise. 



11 



In other respects, the 
maritime connection has de- 
fined Nordic prehistory more 
than any other single environ- 
mental or geographic factor. 
The Nordic Peninsula is cir- 
cumscribed by the North Atlan- 
tic and Baltic seas, marked by 
large lake systems and cross-cut 
by rivers and river valleys. Prox- 
imity to water routes was one 
of the key elements conveying 
economic advantages in Eurasia 
and the European Peninsula as 
a World System (Wolf 1997:31). 
The Norwegian and the Both- 
nian coasts were major cultural 
meeting grounds and coastal 
waters were the best way to 
travel to and from the north in 
both countries; traveling along 
the shore of the Swedish coast 




rather than by land made it 

■ 11. -J . . Figure ^. Main river drainages of Sweden into the Gulf of Bothnia. 

possible to avoid 12 ma]or river & j & j j j 

crossings (Figure 5). 

In addition to the direct effects on Nordic climate, marine food resources laid the founda- 
tions for larger hunter-gatherer populations and more settled lives that opened the door to cultiva- 
tion and animal husbandry at these latitudes. Coastal zones were also critically important because 
of the reliability and accessibility of their resources, including birds, shellfish, fish and fuel that 
all the members of these communities, including the elderly and the young, could gather on a 
daily basis. 

One of the most fascinating aspects of Bothnian economy is that it involved high arctic ice 
hunting (cf Gustafsson 1971, 1988, 1990; Westerberg 1988; Kvist 1987, 1988, 1990; Nystrom 1988, 
2000; Nilsson 1989; Edlund 1989; Olsson 1990). Seal hunting also has a long history in the region 
(Ekman 1910:222-260; Hamalainen 1930; Clark 1946; Forsten 1972; Broadbent 1979; Stora and 
Lougas 2005), and there is a rich Swedish vocabulary referring to seals and sea ice (Edlund 1989, 
2000). Ice hunting continued into historic times, and for three months of the year a large percent- 
age of the male population of "Norrabotten" (the Mare Botnicum or Bay of Bothnia) was recorded 
as going out on the ice. As many as 15,000 seals were taken in one year in the sixteenth century 
(Westin 1962; Tegengren 1965; Kvist 1991). Olaus Magnus, the last Catholic Archbishop of Sweden, 
illustrated the organized mercantile hunting of seals by northern peasants on his Carta Marina 
map from 1539 (Figure 7). 



12 



CHAPTER 2 




Figure 6. (left) Provinces of Sweden, (right) Counties of Sweden. The county system (Idn) was established in 16]^ and superseded 
the older provincial system of administration. The county system is used with reference to archaeological sites, place-names and 
other data presented in this study. 



The Saami People 

The Saami are the people of Sdpmi (Saamiland). This name Saami (alt. Sami) is recorded from the 
thirteenth century but is probably much older (Zachrisson I997a:i74). The Saami were also called, 
sometimes derogatively, "Lapps." The name "Saami" occurs in all Saami languages and, whenever 
possible, this self-designation will be used in this text, although the term "Lapp" is employed con- 
cerning administrative areas, place-names or historical documents. 

The Saami number approximately 80,000 people today. About 17,000 Saami live in Sweden, 
of whom 2,000 are involved in reindeer herding. Their ancestors were referred to in the oldest 
written sources as the Fenni, and as Skrid-finnar (Ski-Finns). In Norway, Lapland is still referred 
to as "Finnmark." In 1673 Johannes Schefferus speculated that the Saami had even come from 
Finland: 

The Lapps derive without doubt their origin from the Finns, were horn among them, hut had been 
driven away and exiled from Finland . . . after leaving their homeland they withdrew as exiles 
and this is the origin of the name. They did not themselves use this name [Lapp] . . . but that of 
their former countrymen, the Finns. (iGj^^o) 

The Roman historian Tacitus had described the Fenni as early as A.D. 98: 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



13 




Figure 7. Carta Marina map by Olaus Magnus from 3539. This portion of the map shows the North Bothnian coast, 
hunters spearing gray seals and sleds pulled by reindeer and horses. A Saami woman north of the Ume River in 
Vdsterhotten is milking a reindeer. Original in the Carolina Rediviva Library in Uppsala. 



Hie Fenni are astonishingly wild and horribly poor. They have no arms [weapons], no horses, no 
homes. They eat grass, dress in skins and sleep on the ground. Their only hope is in their arrows, 
which, for lack of iron, they tip with bone. The same hunt provides food for men and women 
alike; for the women go everywhere with the men and claim a share in securing the prey. The 
only way they can protect their babies against wild beasts or foul weather is to hide them under 
a makeshift network of branches. This is the hovel to which young men come back; this is where 



14 



CHAPTER 2 



the old must die. And yet they count their lot happier than that of others who groan over field 
labor, sweat over house building, or hazard their own or other men's fortunes in the wild lottery 
of hope and fear. They care for nobody, man or god, and have gained the ultimate release: they 
have nothing to pray for. What comes after them is the stuff of fables — Hellusii and Oxiones with 
the faces and features of men, but the bodies and limbs of animals. On such unverifiable stories 
I will express no opinion. 

P. Cornelius Tacitus, Germania 
Translated by H. Mattingly (1948:140) 

This account paints a dismal picture and one should view such descriptions with skepticism 
(Whitaker 1980). In fact, the characterization of hunter-gatherers or nomadic people as wretched is 
quite common (Sahlins 1972; Cribb 1991). The expression fattig lapp "poor Lapp" still has this col- 
loquial meaning in Scandinavia. The ethnonym Lapp has an east Nordic origin and probably derives 
from the Finnish Lappi (Lappalainen means "Laplander") - or may even derive from the word for 
a patch of cloth or hide (lapp). In Russia, the name lop and lops is known from chronicles dating to 
ca. A.D. 1000 (Hansen and Olsen 2004:49-50). According to von Diiben (1873:376), the term also 
has reference to magic and witchcraft. 

The ethnonym Lapp appears in the Gesta Danorum (History of Denmark), written by Saxo 
Grammaticus in A.D. 1190 (Schefferus 1673:42), and also in the Icelandic Orkneyinga Saga, writ- 
ten down as a revised text in the 1200s (Zachrisson i997a:i59). The place-name Lappi has been 
associated with Saami settlements at more than 575 places all over Finland (Itkonen 1951:33). The 
term lappar was first used in an official Swedish document in the Talje statutes from September 
5, 1328. By my count, there are 1,147 place-names with the prefix Lapp in Sweden, based on the 
National Land Survey place-name registry (Chapter 9, Figure 195). These place-names have thus far 
been given little attention in Sweden but are invaluable sources regarding former Saami territory. 

The Saami speak nine languages of the Finno-Urgric (Uralic) language family (CoUinder 1953; 
Nickel 1990) (Figure 9), and their mtDNA and Y chromosomes indicate that they are an ancient 
European population (Beckman 1996: Tambets et al. 2004). The Finno-Ugrian languages probably 
spread from central Russia and the southern Urals to the Nordic region as early as the Stone Age, and 




Figure 8. Saami summer camp in North Norway. Photo: Fred Ivar Utsi Klemetsen. 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 15 



the Finnish language developed 
later through contacts with other 
Finno-Ugrian speakers from the 
south Baltic. This linguistic dif- 
ferentiation is believed to have 
occurred during the Bronze Age/ 
Arctic Bronze Age, some 4,000 
years ago (Strade 1997:183; Car- 
pelan et al. 2001). However, on 
the basis of "Paleo-Lappish sub- 
strate" words, such as the word 
for seal (morsa), Aikio (2004) ar- 
gues for a later date. 

Saami territory in Norway 
and the Kola Peninsula in Rus- 
sia extends along a thousand 
kilometers of northern coasts 
(Figure 9). According to the Icelandic and Norwegian Sagas from 1100-1200S, the Saami also 
lived as far south as Hadeland, some 20 km north of Oslo, and throughout southern Norrland and 
as far south as Svealand in Sweden (Zachrisson 1987:26, i997a:i7i). The latter is even implied by 
mtDNA at the iconic Late Iron Age boat burial site of Tuna in Alsike between Uppsala and Stock- 
holm (Gotherstrom 2001:25-26). The ancestors of the Saami were also known as far south as the 
Western Dvina (Daugava) River in Latvia (Itkonen 1947; Eidlitz-Kuoljok 1991:32) (Figure 29). 

In 1911, Johan Turi, a Swedish Saami reindeer herder and author of one of the first indigenous 
ethnographies ever written, Muittalus Samid Birra (A Book on Lappish Life), wrote the following 
regarding Saami origins and settlement: 




Figure g. Present Saami territory and language areas. Asterisk shows the main 
area of study. Map adapted from Nickel (iggo). 



It has not been said that the Lapp came from somewhere else. The Lapp was settled all over Lap- 
land and the Lapp lived on the seacoast and there were no other dwellers besides themselves, and 
that was a good time for the Lapps. And the Lapp also lived everywhere on the Swedish side and 
there were no settlers anywhere; the Lapps did not know there were other people besides themselves. 
{1911:2} 

This view is reiterated by most Saami scholars today (cf Kuoljok 1996; Haetta 2002; Solbakk 
2004; Lehtola 2004), although Sdpmi in Sweden and Finland is invariably shown as coinciding 
with inland herding areas. 

The Germanic speaking groups of Sweden and Norway were referred to as Svear and Nor- 
dmenn in sources such as Adam of Bremen's History of the Archbishops of Hamburg- Bremen (ca. 
A.D. 1081). The Svear settled only as far north as 63°N on the Bothnian coast and as far as Jamtland 
and Harjedalen in the interior. The Nordmenn occupied the coast of Norway up to Malangen at 
about 70°N (Odner 1983). Orosius (Othere from Halogaland), who lived in North Norway in the late 
ninth century, described the Fenni, Terfenni and the Bjarmi - all Finno-Ugrian speakers - in his 
account to the English King Alfred the Great (Bosworth 1885). In the Historia Norvegiae (A.D. 1195), 



16 



CHAPTER 2 



mention is made of another group, the Kveni, who hved on tlie north Bothnian shores. Egil's Saga, 
written down in the 1200s, also mentions Kvenland (Paulsson and Edwards 1976). Adam of Bre- 
men referred to these Kveni as "Amazons," but the designation was probably his confusion over 
kvenerlandet (the land of the Kvens) with kvinderlandet, which means "the land of the women" in 
Danish (Lund 1978:68). It has, nevertheless, been speculated that the "Amazon" description related 
to large-scale sealing expeditions that left Bothnian farming settlements populated by only women 
and children for three to four months of each year (Tegengren 1965). This curious tale originated 
among travelers going north who had actually encountered these villages of women (according to 
Adam). Adam had also written that the people north of the Svear were ruled by a woman. Lillian 
Rathje (2001) has emphasized the important role that women had in northern agrarian economies 
while the men were off hunting and fishing. 

The Ski-Finns are identified as living south and west of the Amazons and north of the Svear 
(Figure 10). This description is fairly accurate, and Kvenland could actually thus refer to Finland (lulku 
1986). Amazons notwithstanding, there is little doubt that seal hunting was of considerable economic 



I ,\KTi rF.ST NORTH 
OCEAN OF DARKNESS AND ICE 



£LEiaillO£RNCA 



I GREENLAND 
THE NORTHERN OCEAN 





^ f^^T — \ M-i'-iwi^ G6TLAMD *S^ 



-tiAMAZONS^A-LANER -r^-^ 

\ LAMER 



to V-J 



X "SACHSEN "VM.«a.i..rt 




KURLAND 

BALTIC SEA 

P MME.RANEftE 



SKIJTEP. 
TURKEa 



o^ard 
RUSSIA 



POLAND 



NULER. 



""TjTIVsWTRAVEL' 



Figure 10. Map based on a description of the Nordic region by Adam of Bremen (ca. A.D. 
1081). The Saami are referred to as Skridfinner (Ski-Finns) and Hved in Halsingland. Tlie 
"Amazons" lived on the Baltic coast of what was probably Finland. Even Vinland is also 
mentioned in this early account. Map adapted fivm Lund (igyS). 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



17 



importance from the earliest times and into the modern era. Swedish Bothnian seahng sites from the 
Iron Age have been previously discussed by a number of archaeologists and historians: Hallstrom 
(1942, 1949). Varenius (1964, 1978), Westin (1962), Steckzen (1964), Westberg (1964), Westerlund 
(1965), Nilsson (1989), Norman (1993), and Rathje (2001). Four cultural entities have been considered: 
the Kvens, the Finns, the Saami (Lapps) and Germanic Iron Age settlers (Scandinavian speakers). 

Othere from Halogaland (ca. A.D. 900), Adam of Bremen (ca. A.D. 1081), the Historia Nor- 
wegiae (ca. A.D. 1195) and Egil's Saga (ca. A.D. 1200) state that the North Bothnian groups were 
Finno-Ugric, not Germanic peoples. Adam wrote that Halsingland was Saami territory. During 
those times Halsingland extended around the Bay of Bothnia and down to the Ule River in Finland. 

The northern limit of Germanic settlement in Sweden extended only as far as Arnas in Anger- 
manland (Figure 12). This is the northernmost limit for Iron Age forts, rune stones, tumulus cemeter- 
ies, Nordic long houses and the kdung maritime defense system (Westerdahl 1989). Diagnostic Late 
Iron Age settlement place-names, such as those with the name elements -sta, -hem and vin-, are not 
found north of there either (Edlund 1988). Nordic linguists have given considerable attention to these 
settlement names (Franzen 1939; Holm 1949; Stahl 1976; Wahlberg 2003). The name hem means 
"home" today, but originally referred to a village settlement and was often a first, or landnam, name. 
The term landnam is associated with the first landings by the Norse in Iceland, and this coloniza- 
tion phase usually leaves a distinctive environmental signature on vegetation surrounding northern 
settlements because of grazing, burning, removal of trees and the introduction of cultivated plants 
and weeds (cf Hicks 1988, 1994; Aronsson 1991; Karlsson 2006). Vin probably referred to grazing 
land and also indicates that this was a homestead site. Sta originally referred to boat-landing places but 
was later applied to towns that had developed because there were harbors at these places [stad means 
"town" today). All three names date back to the period A.D. 800 to iioo in Sweden. These names 
concentrate in Jamtland, Medelpad and Angermanland in northern Sweden (Selinge 1997). The name 
elements hole and mark are, by contrast, common in northern Vasterbotten and are associated with 
the expansion of Scandinavian farmers starting in the fourteenth century (Holm 1949:94). 

In an analysis of the Kven issue regarding potential recognition under ILO 169 (the Interna- 
tional Labour Organization's 1989 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention), Swedish historian 
Lennart Lundmark came to the conclusion that the Kvens were not an indigenous cultural group at all, 
but were Finnish middlemen for the Novgorod fur trade (Lundmark 2007). They were later formally 
recognized by the Swedish state as Saami tax collectors, the Birkarls. Thomas Wallerstrom, a Swedish 
historian and archaeologist, had earlier reached the same conclusion (1995). Assuming they are right, 
and I think they are, the Kvens can be discounted as having anything to do with the Iron Age sealing 
sites. The Kvens seem to have had their operations and farms in the northernmost parts of the Bay of 
Bothnia and on the Swedish coast only as far south as the Skellefte-Byske Rivers, an area with many 
Finnish connections (Fjellstrom 1988). Having eliminated the Kvens from serious consideration, 
the remaining alternative for these seal hunters is that of an indigenous, but non-Germanic culture. 

One complication in all of this is that these two cultural-linguistic entities, the Finno-Ugric 
and the Germanic, with languages that are as far apart as any on earth, existed side by side for thou- 
sands of years. This situation is nothing like North America, where the sudden impacts of European 
colonialism starting 500 years ago transformed whole continents, and whose diseases, animals and 
plants almost annihilated indigenous populations (Crosby 1986). In the Nordic region there was, 
on the contrary, continuous interaction and a slow process of give-and-take. There is considerable 



18 



CHAPTER 2 



evidence that there were mostly peaceful and symbiotic relations between Germanic, Finnish and 
Saami groups (Mundal 1996; Zachrisson i997a:22i-234; Olsen 2000; Price 2000). Cultures with 
such a long history of interaction inevitably overlap in numerous ways. It is also likely that these 
pre-literate people were multilingual. This implies that instead of sharp boundaries between them 
we are in reality dealing with overlapping cultural and linguistic topographies. 

Although people certainly have identities independently of outsiders, this meeting of cultures 
was itself a potent force of ethnogenesis (Barth 1969, 1994), and a key to the formation of many 
distinctive Saami ethnic markers as seen by dress, rituals and other practices (cf. Kleppe 1977; 
Reymert 1980; Baudou 1987; Zachrisson 1987b; Zachrisson i997a:i89-22o). Metal artifacts, such 
as brooches, were produced in many different regions and were readily incorporated into Saami 
dress. Christian crosses and symbols, as well as decorative styles (e.g., Nordic plaited band designs), 
were also used by the Saami. 

The concept of cultural clines, comparable to population studies, and "seamless cultural topog- 
raphies" (Caulkins 2001:121), helps conceptualize Saami prehistory as an integrated part of Nordic 
prehistory. This not only de-marginalizes the narrative, it connects the discourse to the formation of 
all northern cultural identities. The Early Metal Age, which corresponds to the Scandinavian Bronze 
Age and the so-called 'Arctic Bronze Age" (Tallgren 1949; Bakka 1976), was the period during 
which Saami ethnicity (as we know it) is believed by many archaeologists to have developed through 
contacts between "Proto-Saami" and other groups (cf Carpelan 1975b; Baudou 1987; Olsen 1994). 

Human-Environmental Relations 

The Nordic region is situated in the far northwestern corner of the Eurasian continent and stretches 
some 2,000 km between latitudes 54°N to 72°N, as far north as the North Slope of Alaska, Baffin 
Island in Canada and northern Siberia. This shoulder of land juts far out into the North Atlantic 
where it intercepts the warm and salty waters of the Gulf Stream. The climate-mitigating influences 
of the Gulf Stream have had profound effects on ecology and settlement. Agrarian economies were 
made possible farther north and earlier than anywhere else in the Arctic and the rich Sub-Arctic 
waters have been among the most productive fishing regions of the world (Dunbar 1954, 1968). 
Seals, salmon, whitefish, cod, herring and shellfish have drawn people to these shores from the 
earliest times, and most Nordic populations still live within 20 km of the coast. The Scandinavian 
Peninsula is furthermore separated from Finland for most of its length by the Baltic Sea and the 
Gulf of Bothnia. This body of water cuts deeply into the continent and extends about 1,400 km 
from north to south. It separates the two regions by 100 km or more of open water today, but had 
once been twice as wide. 

The Baltic has changed from being an ice-dammed freshwater lake 10,000 years ago, to an 
open arm of the sea, back to a freshwater lake as a result of the many rivers that flow into it, only to 
once again become a sea (Berglund et al. 1994). Today the Baltic is an intermediate brackish body of 
water. The most productive fishing-, hunting- and shellfish-collecting periods were when the Baltic 
was most open to the Atlantic Ocean, and this occurred during the Litorina Period (named after a 
saltwater mollusk) between approximately 5000 B.C. and 1000 B.C. Even today, powerful strokes of 
saline water into the Baltic have had immediate and positive effects on plankton, shellfish and seal 
populations lasting for up to five years (cf Segerstrale 1957:757). Sea level rises due to worldwide 
oceanic events would have had even longer-term effects. 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



19 



Figure n. A visual cross section of north Swedish biogeography. Clockwise from top left: alpine birch forest and mountains, 
headwaters of the Skellefie River interior pine heath forest (with trapping pits for moose or reindeer), ice cover on the Bay 
of Bothnia in April, the Bay of Bothnia with wave-washed moraine beaches, interior lake and esker landscape. 



Most of the vegetation above 6o°N in Sweden is classified as northern boreal forest with 
a sub-alpine birch region in the mountain foothills to the west. The boreal forest environment 
brought characteristic animals such as bears, moose, beavers, lynxes, wolverines, pine martens, 
otters, black grouses and hazel hens. During the warm Atlantic climate period, ca. 5000-2500 
B.C., there were more deciduous trees such as birch, alder and even elm, and this growth greatly 



20 



CHAPTER 2 



stimulated beaver and moose populations, who fed on their leaves and bark. These are the most 
commonly found animal bones on archaeological sites in the interior (Ekman and Iregren 1984). 
The pine forests had changed into a mixture of pine and spruce forests by around 1000 B.C. (Engel- 
mark 1976; Berglund et al. 1994). Black spruce (Picea abies) is an eastern hybrid and grows on wet- 
ter ground at the expense of alder and birch. Colder and wetter conditions during the Sub-Atlantic 
period, starting around 2,400 years ago, led to an expansion of reindeer into the southern forests. 
Bogs increased and covered much greater land areas than earlier. 

Although moose, beaver, reindeer and seals were important food resources, freshwater fish 
were also of great economic value. Salmon, perch, whitefish, pike, burbot (a freshwater cod), trout 
and char were fished in the rivers and lakes. Starting in the thirteenth century, the Catholic Church 
asserted ownership of northern salmon rivers. Taxes and salaries were paid using fish, and most 
parish churches and homesteads in Lapland were established by fish-rich lakes (Campbell 1948). 
Medieval (Hanseatic) herring fisheries became a basis for many Bothnian coastal villages and towns. 

The Gulf of Bothnia is a virtual 
heat reservoir in the fall that pulls 
temperature gradients northward 
into lines parallel with the shore- 
lines. But, unlike the North Atlantic 
coast, it freezes over in winter and 
creates a negative temperature anom- 
aly in the spring and summer. The 
Bothnian coast is ice-bound for up 
to 200 days per year north of 63°N, 
which also coincides with a change 
from a mountainous to a flat coastal 
topography in Sweden (cf. Angstrom 
1968; Helmfrid 1994). This was, not 
surprisingly, the northern limit for 
Germanic (Iron Age) agrarian settle- 
ment in Sweden, and therefore an im- 
portant cultural-ecological boundary 
(Figure 12). Although during warmer 
periods these ice boundaries could 
have varied, the coastal topography 
kept the ice locked into the Bay of 
Bothnia because of the narrow bottle- 
neck of the Kvarken between Sweden 
and Finland. The 100-day ice ex- 
tended down to the Hornsland Pen- 
insula in Gavleborg County, which is 
the most prominent peninsula south 

Figure 12. Map showing the oak limit, alpine and Bothnian ice regions and Bjuroklubb. CoaStal topography 

the northern Hmit of Germanic Iron Age setttlement. waS also leSS broken and with fewer 




CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



21 



7000 
6000 
5000 
4000 
3000 
2000 
1000 





Norrbotten Vasterbotten Vasternorrland Gauleborg 



Uppsala 



islands south of there. Hornslandsudde 
was therefore an ideally suited place to 
investigate the southern margins of 
Saami sealing. 

Hunting statistics from 1902 to 
1906 (Ekman 1910:262) show the re- 
lationship between numbers of seals 
killed as well as numbers of seals killed 
per 10 km of Bothnian coast (Figure 13). 
These figures reflect the relationship 
between ice conditions and topography. 
The more broken and island-rich the 
coastline, the more stable the coastal 
ice which, together with snow depth, 
conferred an advantage for ice-breeding 
seals and the survival of immature 
seals that could drown if the ice melted 
before they could swim. Vasterbotten 
was a core area for sealing, and Bjuron, 
with many Iron Age sites, projects far 
out into the Bay of Bothnia where it 
intercepts the counter-clockwise gyre 
that opens up as a drift-ice channel 
close to shore. Specialized boat-based 
seal hunting expeditions from Oster- 

botten in Finland, referred to as the Falan (Cnieff 1757; Gustafsson 1971), sometimes put ashore 
when the channel was blocked. Many sealers carved their names on the rocks of Svartallviken on 
Bjuron (Chapter 4, Figure 44). 




Norrbotten Vasterbotten Vasternorrland Gavleborg 



Uppsala 



Figure i?. (top) Numbers of seals taken by county, north to south, 
(bottom) Numbers of seals taken by length of coastline (based on Ekman 
1^10:262). 



Glacial Topography and Settlement 

Nordic topography has been sculpted and planed down by the advances and retreats of glacial ice. 
Sweden and Finland consequently have low rolling landscapes, and Norway, which has a more 
mountainous topography and softer bedrock, deeply cut fjords. Northern Sweden is also transected 
by numerous northwest to southeast running rivers, and Finland is speckled by lakes dammed up 
by a huge terminal moraine that runs north of Helsinki. 

Crossing the land in the direction of glacial retreat are long alignments of moraine deposits 
called "eskers" that mark the courses of former rivers in the ice. Eskers formed natural travel routes 
for both animals and humans across the lakes and low and boggy expanses of the interior, and are 
natural connectors between the interior and the coastlands. Most archaeological sites in northern 
Sweden are found on or near them. Elongated teardrop glacial deposits, called drumlins from the 
Irish "little hill," formed settlement islands in interior lake and lowland areas, as well as coastal hills 
and off-shore islands where sealing and fishing could be based. 



22 



CHAPTER 2 



The Nordic region was de-glaciated starting 
about 15,000 years ago and by 8,000 years ago 
northern interior Sweden was completely ice free 
(Bergstrom 1968; Bergman et al. 2004). This was 
one of the last places in Europe to be colonized by 
humans. The process of glacial melting was so 
rapid that vast lowland regions of the North Euro- 
pean plain were inundated (Bjork 1995; Christian- 
sen 1995; Gornitz 2009b). It is likely that many 
of the western and southern pioneer colonizers 
of Scandinavia were displaced hunters and gath- 
erers from what is now the bottom of the North 
Sea between England, the Shetland Islands and 
the Netherlands (cf. Fischer 1995; Knutsson 2005). 
This flooding, and related sudden events, seems 
to have peaked around 6500-6000 B.C. (cf Bjork 
et al. 1996; Lamb 1977, 1995) and marks a major 
push into northern Sweden from the south, as 
seen by the introduction of micro-blade technology 
(cf Olofsson 1995, 2003). As the North European 
hunters and the animals they hunted moved into 
Scandinavia from the southwest, other human 
groups and animals moved in from the southeast 
and east, exploring the newly opened lands before 
them (cf Nunez 1997; Carpelan 2001; Bergman et 
al. 2004; Knutsson 2005). The mtDNA of every- 
thing from voles to bears shows these two groups 
met up about halfway down in Sweden, or at about 
latitude 63°N (Jaarola et al. 1999) (Figure 14). Saami mtDNA and Y chromosomes extend southward 
in an analogous distribution (Tambets et al. 2004). 

The crust of the earth was not only flooded, it was depressed by the weight of more than a ki- 
lometer of ice and is still compensating following the release of that burden (called isostatic uplift). 
Land uplift is nearly a meter per century today in Vasterbotten (Bergqvist 1977), one of the highest 
rates in the world, and was perhaps as much as 10 m per year immediately following deglaciation. 
Shoreline displacement thus provides a unique opportunity for investigating this prehistory (Chap- 
ter 4, Figure 34). 

Climate, Ice and Seal Oil 

Nordic climate is classified in "Group D" - continental/microthermal - on the Koppen climate 
classification system, with local maritime influences (Angstrom 1968). In winter the region is 
positioned between high pressure areas in Siberia and Atlantic low pressure centers, resulting in 
warm southwesterly winds. Inland lakes are frozen from about the beginning of November until 




Figure 14. Map showing tht mtDNA of voles (and viruses) 
in Sweden (Jaarola et al. 3999 j. The migration of 
terrestrial animals into the region following deglaciation 
is a good analogue for human colonization. Tlxe cultures, 
plants and animals of the Nordic North have always beeti 
a mixture of these components, one from the south and one 
from the east, one European and the other circumpolar. 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



23 



the middle of May. The Bay of Bothnia freezes over from the middle of November and usually 
breaks up by May 20. Snow cover averages 160 to 180 days per year. Precipitation on the outer coast 
is quite low, but just a few kilometers inland increases to 500 mm per year. During June there is an 
average of 350 hours of clear sunshine, and in December there are only about 18 hours of sunlight. 
The average growing season, which corresponds to 3°C, lasts only 160-170 days per year. The total 
amount of solar energy at 6o°N is only a small percentage of what it is farther south, and survival 
requires taking advantage of food resources during very short growing and breeding seasons. Farm- 
ers must keep their livestock alive for six months or more without access to pasturage, and hunters 
manage on scarce resources during a very long winter and a late spring. Marine mammal oil (seals 
in the Baltic) was the main source of lighting for circumpolar hunter-gatherers, and seal oil was 
one of the most important commodities across the Nordic region long before whale oil became 
commercially important in Europe. 

Periodicity and Settlement Cycles 

As defined thus far, three environmental perspectives provide focus in this study: the long-term 
ecological perspective, the coastal or maritime perspective and the regional perspective. Because 
of the seasonal fluctuations of both terrestrial and marine resources, northern hunting peoples 
had to depend on combinations of ecosystems for survival. Depending on geography, this could be 
done through annual rounds or through sustained uses of particular regions. Economic efforts in 
northern Sweden, as in most regions of the world, were concentrated during times of maximum 
productivity, including spawning, breeding and growing seasons (cf Ekman 1910:455; Campbell 
1948:81-211). Hunter-gatherer/fisher societies were also dependent on longer-term resource fluc- 
tuations. It is now generally accepted, however, that far from always living in perfect harmony with 
the environment even these societies could over-exploit and even wipe out game, particularly when 
engaged in extensive trade. Over-exploitation is considered by some historians as having been a fac- 
tor in the transition to nomadic reindeer herding and farming, and over-grazing is still a problem 
in the interior (cf Hultblad 1968; Lundmark 1982). 

Long-term human-environmental dependencies can be analyzed at the landscape level using 
the concept of historical ecology (Crumley 1994); this relates large-scale environmental changes 
to the level of human interaction and impacts on local ecosystems. Interactions on much larger 
scales have been discussed by archaeologists through World Systems Theory, which encompasses 
global climate change (Kristiansen 1994; Chase-Dunn and Hall 1997; Kardulius 1999; Hornberg 
and Crumley 2007). 

World Systems and Northern Ecology 

The Circumpolar Region has not generally been discussed as a World System, and yet it is one 
of the great cultural and ecological regions in which vast trading networks, as well as even more 
integrated economic systems, were operating. One of the first great world industries was the Rus- 
sian fur trade (Wolf 1997:158-194; Crowell 1997). This is also a region in which early bronze and 
iron metallurgy developed (Chernykh 1992; Hjarthner-Holdar 1993; Khlobystin 2005; Kuz'minykh 
2006). Trade had always played a part in Nordic prehistory but was operating on a Eurasian scale 
from at least the Bronze Age/Early Metal Age and reached a culmination during the Viking Period 
around A.D. 1000 (cf. Fedorova 2002). World Systems Theory emphasizes the redistribution of 



24 



CHAPTER 2 



resources, such as furs for metal, between a periphery and a core. The "exporting" and the "receiv- 
ing" societies underwent recurring periods of expansion and regression due to environmental as 
well as economic cycles (Wallerstein 1974; Modelski and Thompson 1999). Pulses of these kinds 
are particularly common in arctic regions, especially when there was heavy exploitation of resources 
through over-hunting, or when agriculture had been carried out at the limits of its sustainability 
(cf Martin 1982; McGovern 1988). 

The brackish Gulf of Bothnia is a relatively species-poor marine system, although influxes 
of ocean water through global warming and worldwide sea level rises probably dramatically raised 
productivity. These warm periods are indirectly measurable through shoreline transgressions 
(flooding) in the south and are seen as increased beach erosion in the north. But they are also seen 
through settlement accumulations at these levels, hunters taking advantage of increases in seal and 
fish populations, and by agrarians expanding their settlements northward. These fluctuations are 
very pronounced on the Vasterbotten coast (Chapter 3, Figure 16). 

It is well known that Bothnian ice conditions were critical for the hunting of ice-breeding 
seals, particularly the ringed seal (Ekman 1910; Gustafsson 1990). Hunting statistics (Svensson 
1904; Hult 1943; Soderberg 1974a, b) and tax lists from the sixteenth century (Kvist 1988, 1990, 
1991), suggest that heavy ice conditions led to fewer hunting bounties being paid out and diminished 
profits in the seal oil trade. In general, the ringed seals were more widely distributed and harder to 
find when ice cover was widespread, and the other seal species moved southward. Warmer winter 
conditions seem to have had the opposite effect. Less ice meant that the seals were more concen- 
trated in the north and sought out the stable ice of archipelagos. The seals came to the hunters. This 
circumstance is described in Chukotka in Russia (Krupnik 1993), eastern Canada (McLaren 1958) 
and Greenland (Vibe 1970). Reduced ice cover and rises in temperatures at these latitudes also had 
major effects on terrestrial growing periods, as seen by tree pollen, insects and macrofossils on the 
North Bothnian coast (Broadbent 1979:158-169). The most common response by hunter-gatherers 
to major fluctuations of these kinds has been settlement mobility, with moves to coastal regions 
and then back to inland territories when conditions changed. Whole regions could be largely aban- 
doned for up to a generation between periods of bounty (cf Mine and Smith 1989). Igor Krupnik 
has also described this reciprocal settlement phenomenon, involving reindeer hunting and herding 
in the interior and whaling on the coasts in the Eurasian Arctic (Krupnik 1993:194-197). Shoreline 
erosion data from the seal hunting sites of the Lundfors complex in Vasterbotten indicate, for ex- 
ample, that these sites were only occupied over a 35-year period, or about one generation, and then 
abandoned (Broadbent 1979:30). The same phenomenon could also be true of interior settlements 
in northern Sweden, as moose were also subject to natural population swings and were highly 
vulnerable to predation (cf Ekman 1910:30-38; Markgren 1974; Peterson et al. 2003). Boreal mam- 
mals generally beneflt from cold and dry winters that limit parasites, ground ice and snow depth 
(Sugden 1982:114-127; Pruit 1978). This implies that there could have been a negative correlation 
between peaks in moose populations in the interior and the accessibility of seals on the coast. This 
possibility has considerable consequences for interpreting how the region may have been used by 
hunter-gatherers, but even more so regarding the role that animal husbandry played in adapting 
to environmental and cultural changes during subsequent periods. Husbandry offered a viable al- 
ternative to both natural and human-caused declines in resources as well as changes in territorial 
accessibility. 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



25 



Punctuated Sedentism 

It is known that the Saami took precau- 
tions to maintain fishing waters by shifting 
to different lakes every few years (Ekman 
1910:460-462), but longer-term regional 
shifts in settlement could have been forced 
on by the combined effects of ecological 
changes and over-hunting (cf. Krupnik 
1993:156-159). Abandonment of the interior 
for up to a generation would have also helped 
keep moose, beaver and fish populations vi- 
able by allowing them to recover from preda- 
tion. As shown by historic accounts, moose 
and beaver had almost been completely 
wiped out by north Swedish settlers within 
a few centuries (Hiilphers 1789). Trapping 
pits were made illegal in 1864 in an effort to 
restore moose stocks, and beaver had to be 
reintroduced from Canada. I have described 
this long-term coast plus interior settlement 
model as "punctuated sedentism" (Broad- 
bent 2004) (Figure 15). A system of periodic 
or generational depopulations of the interior 
may have been the very reason why moose 
and beaver populations survived thousands of years of predation within this narrow peninsula of 
boreal forest. Rich coastal hunting resources offered an alternative, but also underwent cycles, and 
rapid landscape changes due to shoreline displacement may have necessitated decadal reorganiza- 
tions. For a semi-sedentary regional system of this kind to work, however, these groups would have 
needed access to both coastal and interior regions. When access to either one of them was blocked 
by other groups for any length of time, it would no longer be possible to fall back on these alternative 
sources of livelihood. That is probably one reason why reindeer and sheep/goat pastoralism was so 
readily adopted by these northern hunter-gatherers. Obviously fishing was of great importance, but 
there was fierce competition for fishing waters in the interior as well. Most northern strife recorded 
by the courts related to fishing waters (cf Campbell 1948:231-236). 

Resilience Theory 

Successful long-term adaptive strategies, as proposed here, can be characterized using the concept 
of resilience, the amount of change a system can withstand and still retain its structure. Resiliency 
builds on a system's ability to maintain diversity, flexibility and opportunity under changing condi- 
tions (Redman and Kinzig 2003:13). Cultural heterogeneity is the equivalent of species diversity, 
and the loss of diversity, while often increasing efficiency, also leads to vulnerabilities. Resilience 
theory (Flolling et al. 2002; HoUing and Gunderson 2002; Redman and Kinzig 2003) encompasses 
many themes of interest in this study: the diversity of "Saaminess," the pulses observed in coastal 



PUNCTUATED SEDENTISM 




Figure jj. Cycles of moose populations in the taiga, and long-term 
cycles of settlement on the Bothnian coast. Moose /predator figures 
cover a 40 year period (Peterson et al. 200]). 



26 



CHAPTER 2 



settlements and, perhaps most important, the fact that the Saami have survived as a viable cultural 
and economic presence for thousands of years in northern Sweden. The persistence and survival of 
indigenous societies is starting to be recognized, as is the fact that indigenous cultures have greatly 
influenced settler societies (Murray 2004:1-16). 

The now-classic book Finns and Ter-Finns. Ethnic Processes in Northernmost Fenno-Scandinavia 
(translated title) by Knut Odner (1983) builds on Fredrik Earth's interpretations in which Saami 
ethnic identity is essentially defined as a process created through contacts with others (Earth 1969). 
This definition, and the dynamic concept of adaptive change through resiliency, can be extended to 
the idea of cultures as clines or seamless topographies, rather than entities with sharp boundaries 
or as patchworks of cultures (Caulkins 2001). Clines are also a way of mapping cultural landscapes, 
and this approach will be applied to artifacts, sealers' huts and place-names throughout this book. 
As already noted, cultural and environmental change tends to be episodic and punctuated in time 
and space rather than incremental. Adaptive change occurs in two social dimensions according 
to resilience theory, one based on the amount of stored "capital" or energy and the second on the 
degree of connectedness of social systems (Holling and Gunderson 2002; Holling et al. 2002). 
The more complex, more specialized, larger and more connected a system, the more brittle and 
less resilient to major ecological or economic changes it becomes. In theory, all systems neverthe- 
less eventually reorganize. This release of capital, social as well as economic, is followed by a new 
growth period. When applied to the archaeological material presented here, one can readily identify 
some of these trends. Starting in the Early Metal Age/Eronze Age, there was a major reorganization 
of northern hunter-gatherer societies. This process accelerated during the Late Metal Age/Iron Age. 
Northern trade networks evolved into economic dependencies on the scale of World Systems and 
were finally absorbed into state-level systems during the Early Medieval Period. These trends and 
the character of Saami resiliency as seen in the Eothnian coastal zone are major themes of interest. 
As an overall starting point, five hypotheses have been formulated to structure my analysis. 

Five Hypotheses 

1) The Saami are an indigenous people with roots going back at least 7,000 years in northern 
coastal Vasterbotten. 

2) There are two major cultural-ecological regions in Sweden, the Circumpolar and the Euro- 
pean. During the Iron Age the Germanic agrarian settlement boundary coincided with the 
63rd parallel on the Eothnian coast. 

3) Proto-Saami, Proto-Finnish and Proto-Germanic societies (for lack of better terms) had 
been in close contact for thousands of years and were heterogeneous and overlapping. 

4) Coastal and interior settlement during the Stone Age in northern Sweden occurred in semi- 
sedentary cycles relating to peaks and declines in terrestrial and marine resources. Animal 
husbandry changed this pattern and contributed to sedentism as well as to nomadism. 

5) Northern Sweden was part of a World System of trade and information exchange that had 
been in existence since the Early Stone Age. 



CULTURE AND ECOLOGY 



27 




Figure 16. Diagram of environmental changes, stray finds, site aggixgations and agrarian 
indications in Vasterbotten. Peaks and settlement cycles on the coast appear to coincide 
with warm periods as reflected by Baltic transgressions (Fairbridge 1963; Berglund 
icj6^; Digerfeldt igyy, Miller igyg). A warmer climate would have encouraged noHhern 
agrarian expansion, and sealing and agriculture have gone hand in hand in the region 
since at least 2000/2^}/^ B.C. Tliere are at least five horizons in Vasterbotten during 
which coastal settlement concentrated (uncal/cal): ^000/^goo, ^400/4^00, 2yoo/}4yo, 
2000/2^^4. and iooo/i2]o B.C. There are also four periods of agrarian expansion: 
20oo/2^]4 B.C., 1000/12^0 B.C., A.D. 400/6]^ and A.D. iooo/io}g. Climate data 
in Northern Europe indicate warm periods between 2600-igoo B.C., 1^00-^00 B.C., 
A.D. o-^^o and A.D. goo-1^00. Cold and cool periods are recorded for igoo-1^00 B.C., 
500 B.C.-o, A.D. ^^o-goo and A.D. 3300-1850. 



Prehistoric Foundations 



The Early and Late Stone Ages 

This overview characterizes the long-term adaptive strategies of local societies as well as the envi- 
ronmental and cultural influences that have affected change in coastal Vasterbotten. The general 
prehistory of the region is described by Broadbent (1979, 1982), and of the Metal Ages by Serning 
(i960), Forsberg (1999), Rathje (2001) and Liedgren and lohansson (2005). Environmental changes 
following de-glaciation, including temperatures and forest succession, salinity and evidence of ag- 
riculture, are summarized in Figure 16. 

Nordic prehistory has been divided into three periods since first proposed in 1836: the Stone-, 
Bronze- and Iron Ages (Stenberger 1964; Burenhult 1999). A somewhat different terminology is 
used in North Norway and Finland (cf Carpelan 1975b; Olsen 1994) that is particularly useful 
because it encompasses the concept of the Saami Iron Age (dates according to Olsen 1994:14). The 
dates of the Saami Iron Age (1-1500 A.D.) coincide with the material in this study and are therefore 
referred to as the Late Metal Age in this text, unless referring to a specific Iron Age period (Table i). 
Calibrated dates in the text are listed together with uncalibrated dates (uncal/cal). 

The salty Litorina Sea (ca. 5000/5600-2000/2400 B.C.) was a time of maximum produc- 
tivity in the Baltic. The Atlantic climate was 3-5°C warmer than today; there was a greater overall 
terrestrial biomass in the north with more deciduous trees and the animals that feed on them, such 
as moose and beaver (Berglund et al. 1994:12-17). Specialized adaptations to coastal and inland 
resources developed with larger and more permanent settlements, increasing social and cultural 
complexity and new symbolic expressions and exchange networks. Sedentism and semi-sedentism 
were the hallmarks of most of the Eurasian world during this time (cf Hall 1999:8). This was an 
era of demographic and social consolidation and the establishment of the regional societies that 
were the foundation of many cultures throughout Eurasia. 

The Flurkmark site (ca. 5000-2500 B.C.) near Umea in Vasterbotten is a huge settlement area 
that extends over 300 m on several sandy terraces about 95 m above current sea level on what was 
once an inlet of the Litorina Sea (Lundberg and Ylinen 1997; Sjogren 1997; Lundgren 2001; Stora 
2002; Broadbent 2003). The site was connected by an esker to the Vindel River valley. This site is 
a superb example of the early, sustained and intensive use of the Bothnian coast and the natural 
routes that connected the coast to the interior and other regions. Raw materials used for tool-making 
include Baltic flint, basalt, quartzite, quartz, jasper and other stone types from widespread western, 
southern and eastern sources. Red ocher, which was used in both graves and rock art in northern 



29 



Table 1. Chronological periods in Sweden and Norway (uncalibrated). 



SWEDEN 



NORTH NORWAY 



Mesolithic 
Neolithic 
Bronze Age 
Early Iron Age 
Late Iron Age 



400 B.C.- 400 A.D 
400-1100 A.D. 



4500-1800 B.C 
1800-400 B.C. 



13,000-4500 B.C. 



Early Stone Age 
Late Stone Age 
Early Metal Age 



Late Metal Age (Saami Iron Age) 



10,000-4500 B.C. 
4500-1800 B.C. 
1800 B.C.-l A.D. 
1-1500 A.D. 



Medieval Period 1 100-1500 A.D. 



Sweden and Finland, was found in thick deposits on the site. The animal bones include those of 
ringed- and possibly gray seals, moose, beaver and a variety of small mammals, fish and birds (Stora 
2002). Ringed seals were the most common species, followed by beaver. Pike was the most common 
fish, and ducks the most abundant of birds. Spring, summer, fall and winter are indicated by this 
material. Several trapping pits had been dug on the site in much later times. (The site was discov- 
ered because a transverse-based arrowhead of Early Metal Age type was found there.) This is still 
good area for moose hunting. Large settlements of these types are found in considerable numbers 
at similarly high elevations along the Bothnian shores, from Norrbotten County in the north to the 
Stockholm region in the south (cf Lindgren 2004). 

The Lundfors Site (3400/4200 B.C.) is about 100 km north of Flurkmark and lies at 78 m 
above current sea level. It consists of seven separate settlement concentrations on an inlet south of 
the Skellefte River estuary (Figures 18). This site exemplifies the collective hunting strategies that 
were widely employed on the coast and in the interior to catch terrestrial and maritime animals 
(Broadbent 1979:174-198). 

The Lundfors economy was based on the capture of ringed seals using long net systems, 
known to be the most effective during the dark fall months (cf. Hamalainen 1930). Ringed seals 
would enter these bays and swim up rivers, gorging on fish in the fall; their blubber and pelts 
were at their maximum at this time of year (Ekman 1910:252; Holm 1921; Helle 1974; Broadbent 
1979:187). The use of nets to catch ringed seals - other species are usually too large to be caught this 
way - was still the main sealing method in Vasterbotten in the sixteenth century (Kvist 1991). The 
same wide-meshed nets could be used to catch salmon and beaver (Ekman 1910:218). In addition 
to seals, bones of moose, beaver, small game, fish and shellfish were identified and these show that 
local islands, inlets and valleys were also exploited. A perforated digging stick weight (otherwise 
typical of Finland) was also found (Figure 17), indicating plant (especially root) collection (Broad- 
bent 1986; Broadbent 1979:171-173)- The seal nets were probably made of braided roots, willow or 
other plant fibers, although only the net weights have survived. Huge Stone Age net systems for 
both seals and salmon have been found preserved in Finland at the Fori site (Luho 1954) and at 
Kierikki (Koivonen and Makkonen 1998). 

Stone technology at Lundfors was based on quartz that was quarried locally, ground schist adzes 
of Finnish types, and slate knives and projectiles, some of which were made of red slate from the Swed- 
ish alpine regions. Red ochre was found in clumps and produced by burning on the site (Broadbent 



30 



CHAPTER 3 




Figure ly. Stone artifact types from Lundfors (not to scale): a 
perforated digging stick weight, a ground slate knife for butchering 
seals and two slate pendants. 




Figure 18. Lundfors inlet and the locations of the sites and lines of 
nets that were used to catch ringed seals in the fall. Hundreds of net 
weights were found on the site and on the bottom of the jormer inlet 
that now lies y8 m above sea level. 



1979:134-135). A rock painting of a moose 
is recorded behind the site but has never 
been relocated. Massive amounts of fire- 
cracked stones link this settlement to the 
indigenous boiling stone (and non-ceramic) 
technology of interior northern Sweden, 
where dwellings were built up by mounds 
of fire-cracked rocks (Lundberg 1997). The 
Lundfors settlement area covers 12,000 m^ 
and was almost certainly semi-sedentary. 
A detailed analysis of beach erosion shows, 
nevertheless, that the whole complex was 
used over only a 35-year period, or one gen- 
eration (Broadbent 1979:30). 

A comparative analysis of 13 sites 
from both coastal and interior Norrland, 
dating to the period 7000 B.C. to A.D. i, 
challenges the idea that these types of sites 
were only temporary "aggregation camps" 
(Kack 2009). The Lundfors settlement 
model repeats itself even at the great rock 
art site at Namforsen in coastal Angerman- 
land, which dates to the Late Neolithic- 
Bronze Age. Some 590 transverse-based 
projectiles, 6 kg of asbestos-tempered and 
textile-impressed ceramics, grooved stone 
clubs, large amounts of slag and even 
part of an iron furnace, were found at the 
adjacent Stallverk settlement site (Kack 
2009:50-94). The rock art was produced 
by a local population with widespread social 
networks (Kack 2009:154-184), and this ar- 
tifact material is closely associated with the 
most formative period of Saami ethnogen- 
esis throughout the Nordic region. 

Rock Art 

Moose remained the central icon in rock 
art and represented the core of indigenous 
identity in both coastal and interior north- 
ern Sweden until the end of the rock art 
period about 600-400 B.C. The moose as 
a symbol, especially in the South Saami 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 



31 



region, harkens back to the roots of these 
societies in the boreal forest zone and was 
widespread in northern Eurasia (Hult- 
krantz 1964; Ramqvist 1992; Zachrisson 
1997a; Fanden 2002). The brown bear 
also persisted as an important symbol 
and was one of the most significant wild 
animals in the Saami pantheon (Backman 
and Hultkrantz 1978; Helskog 1988; Eds- 
man 1994; Mebius 2003). The largest rock 
art site on the Vasterbotten coast is at Stor- 
norrfors on the Ume River (Ramqvist et 
al. 1985). Moose figures dominate, includ- 
ing "x-ray" images (Figure 19), which are 
also seen at the aforementioned rock art 
site at Namforsen (Hallstrom i960). 

New Ideologies, New Technologies 

The Late Middle Neolithic (1800/2250 
B.C.) has been identified as a climate 
optimum in northern Europe that led to an expansion of agriculture and husbandry northward 
throughout the Nordic region (cf Graslund 1980; Sjovold 1982). The Sub-Boreal Period, 2400-400 
B.C., was a time of extreme dryness in western Eurasia (Mayewski et al. 1993; Mayewski and White 
2002). The desertification of the Russian steppes led, among other things, to the northern and 
western expansion of herders and herding technologies into the boreal forest zone (cf. Toynbee 
1934; Gimbutas 1965; Frachetti 2008). These societies introduced new burial practices, religious 
and social ideologies and, equally important, metal technologies (Chernykh 1992). 

The Bjurselet site (1900/2400 B.C.) is one of 10 locales in coastal Vasterbotten characterized 
by caches of thick-butted flint adzes of Baltic types, useful for working wood but also kept as grave 
goods (Christiansson and Knutsson 1989). Over 295 adzes have been found, 175 from Bjurselet 
alone (Figure 20). This technology is associated with the spread of the Boat Axe (Battle Axe) Cul- 
ture, also referred to as the Single Grave or Corded Ware cultures in Sweden, Denmark and Finland 
and the Fatjanovo culture in Russia (cf Maimer 2002). 

The largest find locales in Vasterbotten are by rivers and estuaries, and the smaller concentra- 
tions are in coastal valleys. Pollen analysis has indicated that barley was cultivated and some sheep/ 
goats were kept (Konigsson 1968), but ringed seal bones are by far the most common animal bones 
found at Bjurselet, and net weights like those at Lundfors were found at the Kusmark site (Lepik- 
saar 1975; Broadbent 1982). A thick-butted flint axe was even found in a grave cairn in Vasterbotten 
(Huggert 2001) and the Battle Axe Culture people are known to have cremated their dead. There is 
a continuation of these burial practices into the Early Metal Age. As regards metallurgy, early copper 
finds have been found in northern Sweden and Finland dating to as early as 3900 B.P. (Huggert 
1996). This was, in other words, a major turning point in north Swedish prehistory and established 
the foundation for subsequent cultural development. 




Figure ig. An "x-ray" rock caning al Stomonfors in coastal Vasterbotten. 
Tlie image shows a life-line or a spear, the sectioning of the body, and two 
points perhaps representing the testicles of an immature bull. 



32 



CHAPTER 3 





Figure 20. Unused thick-butted Jlint adzes from the Bjurselet site 
in Vdsterbotten. Courtesy Antikvariskt-topografiska arkivet, the 
Nnfio)!((/ Heritage Board. Stockhohn. 



Figure 21. A notched wooden 
spear shaft from Ostra Ahyn 
in Bygded Parish, coastal 
Vasterhotten, was poUen dated 
to the Bronze Age (Westin 
1962 j. The pattern looks like 
stitching and is uncannily 
similar to Saami pewter wire 
designs on cloth and leather 
(courtesy Antikvariskt- 
topografiska arkivet, the 
National Heritage Board, 
Stockholm). 




The Early and Late Metal Ages 

The Early Metal Age of the Nordic North, during which there was an intensification of east- 
ern influences, is characterized by asbestos-tempered and textile-impressed pottery, transverse- 
based projectiles, grooved stone hammers and Russian "Ananino" bronze artifacts and molds 
(Carpelan 1975a; Bakka 1976; Chernykh 1992; Olsen 1994; Hjarthner-Holdar and Risberg 2001) 
(refer Figure 22). 

Transverse-based projectiles, also called straight-based, originated in the southern steppe 
regions of Russia and have been found in Proto-Scythian Timber Grave burials in the Lower Volga 
basin (Gimbutas 1965:544). They are associated with the spread of powerful, probably composite, 
bows. The projectiles date to approximately 1700-500 B.C. in Sweden (Baudou 1992:43), but finds 
have been made in North Norway dating to as early as ca. 2200 B.C. (Helskog Thrash 1983). 

Asbestos fiber-tempered clay vessels may have functioned as portable furnaces for metal work- 
ing (Hulthen 1991). The grooved clubs were probably used as sledge hammers and are also found 
in South and Middle Russia (Indreko 1956:58-59). Asbestos (chrysotil) deposits have been found 
far upstream on the Skellefte River at Ruopsok near Lake Hornavan in northern interior Sweden 
(Hulthen 1991:14) and in East Einland. This metallurgy, which also has many shamanistic aspects, 
is central to the development of Saami culture (cf Carpelan 1975a; Jorgensen and Olsen 1988). 

Whole complexes of pits in coastal Norrbotten were used for the rendering of seal oil (Lun- 
din 1992). They have also been documented in coastal Vasterhotten (Forsberg 1999) and date to the 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 



33 




Figure 22. Map showing the spread of related technologies into the Nordic region from the Russian steppes and the Ural 
Mountains, Late Stone Age/Early Metal Age. 



Late Bronze Age/Early Metal Age. The intensification of sealing and processing, together with large 
numbers of trapping pits in the interior during the Late Metal Age/Saami Iron Age, is undoubtedly 
connected to intensified trade (cf Selinge 1974; Spang 1997). North Swedish hunter-gatherers were be- 
coming part of a large-scale trading network that would reach its maximum during the Viking Period. 

The Fahlmark site in northern Vasterbotten lies at 39 m above sea level, dates to ca. 1300 B.C., 
and has three finished and 35 rough-outs of quartzite and basalt projectiles (Arwill 1975). A bundled 
cache of similarly worked projectiles was found at Vannas near the confluence of the Ume and 
Vindel rivers. A fragment of a point made of Baltic flint, a grooved stone club, and a red slate pro- 
jectile of Sunderoy type, a contemporary artifact type first described in North Norway (Gjessing 
1942:172; Baudou 1977:30-31; Olsen 1994:106), was found at the Kaddis settlement at the 40 m 
elevation near Umea (Broadbent 1984). There are some 16 additional projectile finds in this Swed- 
ish coastal region, including one made of Russian flint at Bjurselet (Huggert 1984) and another at 
the Flurkmark site. A bifacial projectile or knife of this type was even found on the Lundfors site 
(Broadbent 1979:237). 

Prastsjodiket is a stone grave setting that had been placed on an island near the Kaddis settle- 
ment during the Early Metal Age. The grave goods consist of a quartz knife, transverse-based ar- 
rowheads of Baltic flint, Russian flint, basalt and quartz, and a bronze spear. The cremated bones 
of two young individuals were found (Lundberg 2001). Like Flurkmark, which is dated 3,000 years 
earlier, this find reflects a diverse mixture of raw materials and the far-reaching networks that con- 
nected this region to the outside world. 

There are almost 600 whole or fragmentary arrowheads with transverse-bases at the rock 
art site of Namforsen in coastal Angermanland (Forsberg 2001; Kack 2001, 2009). The sheer 



34 



CHAPTER 3 



numbers of these characteristic artifacts in these coastal contexts imply that these people were no 
different from the cairn builders (cf Bolin 1999 for the same conclusion regarding Angerman- 
land). A transverse-based arrowhead of quartzite was actually found in a Bronze Age cairn grave 
in Angermanland (Baudou 1968), and this funerary association is paralleled by the Prastsjodiket 
grave in Vasterbotten. 

Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin and required access to these two rare metals. Nearly all 
of it had to be brought in as raw materials, or as finished products. There are two primary Euro- 
pean sources of these metals, one in the Ural Mountains of Russia and the other in central Europe. 
Copper, tin and gold helped solidify the power of a social hierarchy that had started to take form in 
the Late Middle Neolithic in Sweden (Maimer 2002). A hierarchical social system, with chiefs and 
big men, was sustained by the redistribution of metals for agricultural products, furs, hides and 
amber (Welinder 1977). Vast trade networks and alliances were reinforced and validated by religious 
symbols as seen in south Scandinavian rock art, such as sun disks, weapons and boats, some of 
which have been found at Namforsen, as well as grave rituals and sacrificial practices (Kristiansen 
1994; Larsson 1999). 

Cairn Graves 

There are more than 550 grave cairns in coastal Vasterbotten. Most large cairns (38%) are at the 
35 m elevation, corresponding to the Bronze Age shoreline, and smaller cairns are found at Iron 
Age levels, or 10-20 m above sea level (Figure 23). Most of the cairns occupy coastal headlands and 
islands, but others lie in inner fjords where settlements were located (Bergvall and Salander 1996; 
Forsberg 1999). Baudou (1968) noted that the cairns in Angermanland seem to divide the coast into 
segments 5-15 km in length, probably corresponding to social territories or clans. I have proposed 
the same clustering (Broadbent 1982:117-121), as did Bergvall and Salander (1996) in northern 
Vasterbotten. The cairn graves probably also mimicked their circular and oval house forms. These 
northern graves had been built by local populations who had taken up southern Scandinavian ritu- 
als, including cremation, but can hardly have been building monuments to Bronze Age chiefs, as 
often argued in southern Scandinavia (Broadbent 1983). 

One of the oldest theories about the end of this large cairn building era is that climate dete- 
rioration had caused the Scandinavians to withdraw, and that this vacuum was filled by the Saami 
(Hallstrom 1929). The Sub-Atlantic Period, starting at 650 B.C, was indeed a period of climate 
deterioration, with lower average temperatures and increased precipitation (Lamb 1977, 1995)- 
Granlund (1932) first recognized these changes in northern Sweden through water-logged levels in 
bogs called "recurrence" surfaces. There were drops in tree lines and glacial advances (Nesje and 




Figure 23. Sketch of both large and small grave cairns in Vasterbotten by A. F. Ekdahl. iSij. 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 35 



Kvamme 1989). Cultivation com- 
pletely disappeared on the north- 
ern Vasterbotten coast at this time 
(Engelniark 1976). 

These changes in Bothnian 
coastal settlement are best seen as an 
overall adaptive response by indige- 
nous populations that took the form 
of greater mobility, a pattern that oc- 
curred at exactly the same time in 
northern interior Sweden (Forsberg 
1985; Mulk 1994:229-251). Olsen 
described this same phenomenon 
in northern Norway, with a greater 
focus on interior and alpine regions 
and an increase in reindeer hunting. 
These changes dated from ca. 900 
B.C. to A.D. I and coincided with 
the Kjelmoy ceramic phase (Olsen 
1994:106-124). 



A •••• 

Am 





ASBESTOS-TEMPERED 
CERAMICS 



Figure 24. The distribution of asbestos-tempered vessels (after Baudou igg^ 
with additional points). Arctic Bronze Age aiiifacts and the Bothnian ski, 
a probable forerunner of the Saami ski, have almost identical distributions 
(Broadbent 1^82:14^,146). 



Iron 

Iron deposits are formed as precipi- 
tates in lakes and in bogs and could 
be easily scooped up into boats or 
through the ice in winter. The wide- 
spread availability of iron ore in Sweden thus completely side-stepped the old bronze redistribution 
system. Eva Hjarthner-Holdar (1993) has described the introduction of iron technology into the 
Sweden and Finland as closely associated with the boreal forest and as "the first great egalitarian 
movement in Europe" (Hjarthner-Holdar, pers. comm. 2006). 

Harrsjobacken and Hamptjarn near Burea in Vasterbotten are good examples of this pattern. 
Textile-impressed and asbestos-tempered Kjelmoy type pottery was found, as well as iron slag, 
in a forging pit at Harrsjobacken. Hamptjarn is a nearby small cairn cemetery, as is the site of 
Nedre Back, with one grave containing bear phalanges. An oval cooking pit at Harrsjobacken was 
radiocarbon-dated to A.D. 79-245 (Sundqvist et al. 1992). Testing of the soils for lipids shows that 
seal oil had been rendered there as well. Asbestos-tempered pottery of Kjelmoy type and textile- 
stamped pottery, with flakes characteristic of the production of transverse-based arrowheads, were 
also found at the Savar site, which has been interpreted as a semi-sedentary sealing settlement 
(Sanden 1995). 

Animal Husbandry and Cultivation 

Pollen diagrams from northern coastal Sweden indicate sporadic cultivation during the Late Mid- 
dle Neolithic or around 2000/2400 B.C. and from 600 to 400 B.C. (Konigsson 1968; Huttunen 



36 



CHAPTER 3 



and Tolonen 1972; Engelmark 1976; Wal- 
lin 1994). Sheep/goat bones have been 
found at Bjurselet, Kaddis and Fahlmark 
(Lepiksaar 1975; Broadbent 1984). There 
is a 900-year gap in the agrarian footprint 
in Vasterbotten from ca. 400 B.C. to 500 
A.D., however, followed by yet another gap 
in the seventh century, particularly on the 
Lule and Torne rivers. Wallin (1995) inter- 
prets the agrarian discontinuities as a re- 
sult of frequent shifts in the small coastal 
field systems, but they were also undoubt- 
edly due to climate deterioration during 
the Sub-Atlantic Period and a worldwide 
climate deterioration in the seventh cen- 
tury (Lamb 1977; Nesje and Kvamme 1989; 
Roberts 2009). 

When conditions were favorable and 
cereals or livestock could be obtained, cul- 
tivation and animal husbandry were un- 
doubtedly part of a northern indigenous 
economic strategy during the Early Metal 
Age and continuing through the Saami/ 
Late Iron Age. Asbestos pottery of Kjelm0y 
type was found with some charred barley 
in northern Angermanland (Lindkvist 
1994:98), and hair-tempered textile ceram- 
ics have been found at the Bjurselet site (Sanden 1995). 

Textile-impressed ceramics, which arose between the Oka and Middle Volga, accompanied 
early metallurgy and possibly agriculture to Karelia and eastern Finland (Lavento 2001). Bones of 
domestic animals, especially sheep and goats, have been identified at Halla, Ra-Inget and Stallverket 
by Namforsen in Angermanland, and this evidence shows that animal husbandry and even cultiva- 
tion were part of the "package" of both Proto-Saami and later Saami culture in northern Sweden. 
Early Saami Iron Age cultivation has likewise been documented in Norway (Bergst0l 2008). 

Artifacts in Context 

Although we don't have any iron implements from this earliest period, there are some 25 Iron 
Age artifacts from the coastal area under study. One remarkable archaeological find was a bun- 
dle of decorative bronze pins and brooches, dating to ca. A.D. 350, at Storkage. They derived 
from the South Baltic Finno-Ugric region (Estonia) (Hjarne 1917; Serning 1960:21-24). These 
items were brought to the north, only to be buried on a small coastal river bank. This find 
resembles the Saami metal offerings of later times in which valuable, and especially exotic, orna- 
ments were put into bogs or lakes. 




Figure 25. A soapstone mold for a socketed axe of Russian Ananino 
type. Courtesy Antikvariskt-topografiska arkivet, the National 
Heritage Board. Stockholm. 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 



37 




Figure 26. Iron Age artifacts from coastal Vasterbotten with parallels at Saami offer sites {boxes). Metal artifact 
distributions in interior indicated by shaded areas. 



Fifty percent of the coastal metal artifacts have parallels at Saami offer sites in the interior. 
Among these are iron arrowheads and oval and horseshoe-shaped brooches (Serning i960; Pos- 
sum 2006) (Figure 26). Bronze bells and a silver ring from the Island of Stora Fjaderagg, some 
14 km offshore, have parallels at the Saami offer sites, as does a crescent-shaped earring from 
Tame in Byske parish (Serning 1960:36-49). An odd fork-like object, possibly for shamanistic 
divination, was found at Skramtrask, near Lundfors, and has a parallel at the offer site of Gratrask 
(Serning 1960:147). A decorated knife from Karelia was found at Kataselet on the Byske River 
(Broadbent 1982:170). Archaeological investigations of sacrificial/offer sites in the interior, which 
were known from oral traditions, have sometimes rendered great numbers of finds (Serning 1956; 
Zachrisson 1984). The most common artifacts derive from Finland, Russia and the Baltic, but 
many coins witness contacts with Norway, Germany and Britain. The objects consist of brooches. 



38 



CHAPTER 3 



pendants, clasps, buckles of pewter, bronze and silver, silver coins and iron arrowheads. The finds 
date to A.D. 700-1400, with most sites dating to A.D. 900-1100 (Zachrisson 1984; Wallerstrom 
2000; Mulk and Bayless-Smith 2006). 

Seven metal artifacts (28%) from the coastal region are from small grave cairns. These crema- 
tions are parallels to the so-called "inland lake graves," "forest graves" or "hunting ground graves" 
found in lamtland and Harjedalen in Southern Lapland. In evaluations of the evidence regarding the 
hunting ground graves in Jamtland and Harjedalen, and Trondelag in Norway, Sundstrom (1997:21- 
27), Gollwitzer (1997:27-33), Zachrisson (1997a: 195-200) and Bergstol (2008) argue that these 
inland graves are of Saami origin. In the case of the Vivallen cemetery there is, however, physical an- 
thropological evidence of intermarriage (Iregren 1997:84-98; Alexandersen 1997:99-116). Liedgren 
and Johansson (2005) describe 15 graves in Upper Norrland that can date to the Early Iron Age. Most 
graves are known from the coast, where there is no evidence whatsoever of Germanic settlement. 
These authors state, somewhat ambiguously, that the "burial customs" were probably not of Saami 
origin, and that the metal artifacts in Lapland were due to the Saami dependency on trade for iron 
objects. As will be discussed in Chapter 9, there is ample evidence that the Saami were themselves 
able iron metallurgists and, except for arrowheads, most Lapland finds are non-utilitarian. 

It is very likely that many Swedish Saami groups practiced cremation in the first centuries 
A.D. (cf Zachrisson I997a:i95-i97) and this pattern is certainly seen at the large cemeteries at 
Smalnaset and Krankmartenhogen in Harjedalen in southern Lapland (Ambrosiani et al. 1984). 
These cremation graves, including triangular stone settings, are Germanic in form, but offerings of 
reindeer, moose and bear, in addition to their locations far outside any known Germanic settlement 
areas, indicate that they are the graves of what has been circumspectly described as "local hunting 
cultures." With some individual exceptions, the northern coastal graves should be interpreted in the 
same light as the other "hunters' graves," as those of local populations (cf Forsberg 1999:251-285; 
Rathje 2001:91-118; Fossum 2006:89-99). Albeit in close contact with their neighbors, these so- 
cieties could logically only have 
been Saami in origin. 

Wooden artifacts shed 
some additional light on the 
identities of these people in 
coastal Vasterbotten, including 
two nearly identically decorated 
skis from Kloverfors and Bygde- 
trask (Serning 1960:62) (Figure 
27). Both have Viking Period 
pollen dates, substantiated 
by C-14 (Astrom and Norberg 
1984). Their plaited-band and 
ribbon ornamentation is typical 
of Southern Saami decorative 
styles (Holmqvist 1936). Vaster- 
botten is, in fact, the core area of 
the Bothnian ski type, which is 




Figure 27. Two decorated Viking Age Saami skis from Vasterbotten (after Seniing 
igGoiiSo.zyS). 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 



39 



the basis of the Saanii ski (Manker 1971; Astrom and Norberg 1984). These ski types, as pointed 
out by Manker (1968), together with finds of sewn boats (Westerdahl 1988), are evidence of a long- 
standing Saami presence in the North Bothnian region, as do trapping pits with Lapp place-names 
(Broadbent 1982:90-97). 

Summary 

On the basis of this overview, the following generalizations can be formulated with respect to con- 
tinuity on the northern Vasterbotten coast: 

Economy 

1) Sealing was a major activity during all periods. Subsistence sealing was combined with 
terrestrial hunting, fishing and gathering and with animal husbandry/farming from ca. 
1900/2340 B.C. Moose-hunting, beaver-hunting and seal-hunting were organized col- 
lectively through the use of trapping and netting systems. Hunting took on an almost 
mercantile focus starting in the Early Metal Age, as seen by boiling pit complexes and 
trapping pit systems, and this was intensified during the Late Metal Age. A special form 
of seal oil rendering pit, more trench-like, but also containing fire-cracked rocks, has been 
described by Rathje (2001:134-136) and dates to the seventh century A.D. 

2) Mixed hunting and herding societ- 
ies established territories that di- 
vided the coast into socio-economic 
units encompassing bays and is- 
lands in 5-15 km wide segments. 

3) Trade was extensive during all 
periods. Both raw materials and 
artifacts of stone, bronze and iron 
were regularly circulated within 
an area extending from Norway 
in the west, the Urals in the east, 
and to southernmost Scandina- 
via, Finland and the Baltic region. 
This can be seen as part of a World 
System of information and object- 
exchanges with roots going back to 
the Early Stone Age. 

Settlement 

i) Most coastal sites align with the 
larger eskers and river valleys. The 
important archaeological sites of 
Fahlmark, Harrsjobacken, Lund- 
fors and many other sites are found 
along natural inland travel routes. 




Figure 28. Eskers, sites mentioned in the text, and the economic 
zones that connected the coastlands with the interior. 



40 



CHAPTER 3 



2) Larger and more permanent coastal settlements concentrated in inner f]ords and bays 
where there was the best micro-climate and, in the case of husbandry, grazing-lands. 

Technology 

1) Quartz/slate and boiling stone technology was identical on the coast and interior ca. 
5000 B.C.-2000 B.C. 

2) A "stimulus package" of new technological knowledge (including metallurgy) reached the 
northern coast ca. 2400-1800 B.C. 

3) Transverse-based projectiles of quartz, quartzite, flint, and fluted slate projectile types, 
asbestos-tempered ceramics, Ananino bronzes and iron technology were associated with 
sealing, animal husbandry and even cultivation on the Bothnian coast during the period 
1600 B.C.-A.D. 100. 

4) Iron working was being practiced from the late first century A.D. This world was served by 
mobility and the exploitation of new ecological niches. New cultural identities were being 
formed in an ever-widening circle that came to encompass most of northern Scandinavia 
and Finland. 

Ideology and Religion 

1) The iconography of coastal and interior rock art reflects circumpolar cosmologies that in- 
volved mediation with the northern animal world, especially moose and bears. Shamanism 
was also manifested through transformative technologies, especially metal working. 

2) New burial rites, including cremations, and offer practices were introduced to the Bothnian 
coast from the south and east. Cairn graves were built by local people to mark their coastal 
territories during the Early Metal Age and continued until the influences of Christianity 
took hold in the late Viking Period. 

Conclusions 

These data demonstrate that all the social, economic, technological and symbolic components as- 
sociated with the process of Saami ethnogenesis were present in coastal Vasterbotten, and there is 
little difference in these respects from North Norway, interior Sweden or Finnish Lapland (c£ Car- 
pelan 1975a; Forsberg 1992; Hansen and Olsen 2004:36-42). 

In nearly all regards, there is a congruence of cultural characteristics, artifacts and landscape 
geography, beginning in the deep past and continuing into later prehistory. This is a historical tra- 
jectory, as conceived of by Wolf (1997:3-24), that defines adaptive strategies at the local level, the 
regional level and the super-regional (World System) level. The coast was intimately connected to the 
interior by natural west-east travel routes, by social interdependencies, and through the exploitation 
of combined terrestrial and maritime resources. These patterns were strongly manifested during the 
Early Metal Age. These criteria set the stage for and regionally contextualize the narrative of coastal 
settlement during the Late Metal (Iron) Age and Medieval Periods. This material offers an alternative 
to the interpretation of northern cultures as the results of continuous population incursions. The 
focus is shifted to indigenous societies undergoing transformations through frequent interactions 
with the outside world. The ethnogenesis of the coastal Saami is part of this process within a frame- 
work of the meeting of eastern and southern networks at cultural-ecological borderlands. 



PREHISTORIC FOUNDATIONS 



41 




Figure 2C). The north to south transect along the Bothnian coast: (A) Stor-Rebbeu. (B) Hornslandsudde, (C) The 
northern Umit of Germanic settlement. Tlte dark shaded area marks current Saami territoiy. and the Ughter shaded 
area is the probable former extent of Saami territory. 



The Research Strategy 



This section presents the methods, surveys, excavations and results obtained during the proj- 
ect. Each site is presented individually and includes artifacts, radiocarbon and AMS dates, 
archaeo-zoological and botanical analyses, soil-chemical and other results. Archaeological 
investigations were carried out at nine locales. Thirty-one huts at 12 elevations between 3 and 20 m 
above sea level were excavated. A glossary of the main types of archaeological features provides an 
overview of these and other constructions. The core area of Bjuron is presented first, followed by 
the sites of Stora Fjaderagg, Snoan, Stor-Rebben and Hornslandsudde. 

Surveys 

Surveys conducted by the Swedish National Heritage Board list numerous Bothnian locales lower 
than 20 m above sea level. There are two principal contexts: sites on raised beaches more than 10 
m above sea level and harbor sites less than 10 m above sea level. Both types of locales were investi- 
gated to determine their chronological relationships and to address questions regarding continuity 
from the Iron Age into medieval times. Seal hunting sites were closely associated with islands and 
promontories where hunters could establish camps, oversee nets or kill seals on land, in the water 
and on the ice. Lower-lying hut foundations were associated with fishing locales, especially harbor 
basins (Norman 1993). Similar sites with temporary huts and shelters have been documented in 
southern and western coastal areas of Sweden and Norway (Magnus 1974; Atterman 1977). Excava- 
tions of the North Bothnian sites were first carried out by the author in 1987-1988, with follow-up 
excavations and analysis in 2004-2006. The excavations at Hornslandsudde were made possible 
by Britta Wennstedt Edvinger and Kjell Edvinger (Arkeologicentrum i Skandinavien AB). 

h has long been recognized that hut foundations found between 10 and 20 m above sea level 
were associated with Iron Age shorelines (Hallstrom 1942, 1949; Westin 1962; Varenius 1964, 
1978; Westberg 1964; Steckzen 1964; Westerlund 1965). According to the national survey, there are 
497 of these huts: 74 huts (14%) in Norrbotten, 219 huts (44%) in Vasterbotten, 136 huts (27%) in 
Vasternorrland and 68 huts (14%) in Gavleborg County (Norman 1993:194-195). Sixty percent are 
found in the two northernmost counties, of which 75% are in Vasterbotten County. 

Site Investigations 

The first goal of the project was to obtain as representative a sample of sites, features and artifacts 
as possible. The second goal was twofold: to investigate sites at different elevations above sea level 



43 



and to sample sites along a north-south 
transect. This approach facilitated com- 
parisons of different time periods within 
different regions and constituted a form 
of horizontal stratigraphy and chorology. 

The northernmost investigations 
were carried out on Stor-Rebben Island, 
Pitea Municipality, in Norrbotten County at 
65° 11' N, 21° 56' E. This site complex is the 
largest of its kind this far north. Bjuroklubb 
is located about 80 km south of Stor-Rebben 
and is 200 km north of Arnas in Anger- 
manland County, the northern limit for 
Germanic Iron Age settlement and settle- 
ment place-names. The southernmost exca- 
vations were carried out at Hornslandsudde 
in Halsingland at 61° 37' N, 17° 29' E. Hornslandsudde is ca. 
460 km south of Stor-Rebben as the bird flies, and 300 km 
north of Stockholm. This is the largest site of its kind this far 
south and is comparable in size to Grundskatan and Stora 
Fjaderagg in Vasterbotten and Stor-Rebben in Norrbotten. 
The association of this site with "Lapp" place-names and its 
oral history make this locale of special interest to the project. 
Surveys of Saami settlements in Halsingland were previously 
carried out by Wennstedt Edvinger and Ulfhjelm (2004). The 
Hornslandsudde site is otherwise within a region of well- 
known Germanic Iron Age settlement (cf. Liedgren 1992). 

Some of the largest sites are located near Bjuroklubb 
on Bjuron Island in Lovanger parish in Vasterbotten. This 
is a poor region as far as salmon fishing, or even agricul- 
ture, are concerned and the parish is not associated with 
any larger river systems. This contrasts with what is known 
regarding typical Germanic settlement areas in southern 
and middle Norrland. 

Elevations 

One of the most important aspects of the project has been 
the determination of accurate elevations of features and 
beach levels. This was accomplished through the use of 
on-site surveying equipment, including laser total stations. 
Daily sea levels were obtained by automatic "mariographic" 
stations. Handheld sighting levels were also used to deter- 
mine elevations above mean sea level. 




Figure jo. Distribution of Iron Age huts along the Bothnian coast, 
from Norrbotten County in the north to Gdvleborg County in the 
south (total: ^gj). 




Figure ]i. Detail of Gulf of Bothnia and river 
drainages showing the locations of Iron Age sites 
excavated within the project: (1) Stor-Rebben, 
(2 ) Bjuroklubb and Bjuron, (j ) Jungfhihamn, 
(4-6) Grundskatan, (y) Stora Fjaderagg, 
(8) Snoan, (g) Hornslandsudde. 



44 



CHAPTER 4 



Table 2. Investigated sites, the distances between site areas, elevations sannpled at each 
site and numbers of radiocarbon dates from each site. 



INTER-SITE SAMPLE 

SITES (N-S) DISTANCES (KM) ELEVATIONS (M) DATES 

Stor-Rebben 16, 13, 12, 7 4 

Bjuroklubb (67) 75 17 1 

Site 70, Jungfruhamn (138, 139) 2.4 12,15,16 4 

Grundskatan 2.4 16,15,14,13,12 15 

Stora Fjaderagg 76 20, 19, 15, 13, 8 6 

Snoan 73 15, 5, 3 6 

Hornslandsudde 172 20,18,16,13 7 



Because of the effects of land rise, the harbor basins were short-hved and boat houses and 
cottages had to be moved numerous times. When possible, historical records were used for dating 
such sites, but when these were uncertain, harbor basin thresholds were determined. Excavations 
were also carried out on any huts or related features by these basins in order to obtain radiocarbon 
dates. Threshold levels for harbors were determined at Jungfruhamn on Bjuron, at Gamla Hamnen 




Figure 32. Aerial view of the uplijied fishing harbor at BjiuvMubb (refer Figure '^o). 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 45 



on Stora Fjaderagg Island and at two harbors on Snoan Island. In addition to survey information 
provided by the Swedish National Heritage Board and local county authorities, independent surveys 
were conducted at all site areas, resulting in a greatly expanded corpus of archaeological features. 

Excavations 

The outer coastal landscape is characterized by exposed bedrock, wave-washed moraine and shal- 
low soils. Preservation of organic material is poor. Excavations were therefore most often directed 
toward hearths, which were usually the only preserved cultural deposits. On the positive side, it is 
rare that one has so many visible architectural features. The use of beach cobbles for construction 
resulted in a rich inventory of often intact and fully exposed dwellings, stone alignments, cairns 
and other features. 

Although the find elevations provide a chronological foothold, since features cannot be older 
than their contemporary shorelines, many constructions could have been built long afterward. 
Because of this source-critical problem, considerable efforts were put into additional ways of dating 
them. Radiocarbon dates were obtained from hearths, but for most other categories of construc- 
tions there is nothing to date but the stones themselves. Our application of lichenometry (lichen 
growth measurement) was intended to overcome this problem. These methods have always been 
used in combination with shoreline displacement dates (maximum ages), radiocarbon chronol- 
ogy of adjacent features and historical data. Lichen dates are always considered as minimum ages. 
Rock weathering made it possible to determine if stones had been overturned during construction, 
thus reducing the risk that lichens had only been moved from beaches as opposed to colonizing a 
newly exposed surface, although lichens don't normally survive being moved (Benedict 1985). Rock- 
weathering was quantified using the Schmidt Test Hammer (Sjoberg 1987). 

Sampling 

Excavation was based on a sampling strategy intended to recover charcoal, macrofossils, animal 
bones and artifacts from different elevations above sea level. Hearths and different hut forms were 
chosen at different elevations, from the highest-lying to the lowest-lying, at each given site. Hearths 
were first tested using a soil auger and subsequently chosen for excavation based on the presence 
or absence of organic materials. All soils were screened using 4 mm mesh or less, and sometimes 
whole hearths were removed for flotation in the lab. 

Soil Chemistry 

Phosphate enrichment of site soils, due to human or animal defecation and urination and animal 
carcasses, was analyzed using laboratory methods by Johan Linderholm at the Environmental 
Archaeology Laboratory at Umea University. Later comparative field tests were conducted by the 
author using the La Motte Soil kit. Phosphate analysis (P°) is based on the extraction of organic 
phosphates from soil samples using a weak (2%) solution of citric acid and measured colorimetri- 
cally. Phosphate content is defined as mg/P^Oyioo g dry soil. The La Motte system is based on a 
colorimetric scale indicating Low, Medium or High levels of soil enrichment. 

Animal Osteology 

All animal bones from the project were analyzed by Dr. Jan Stora of the Osteological Research 
Laboratory of Stockholm University (Stora 2002, 2005, 2008). When possible, bone fragments were 



46 



CHAPTER 4 



identified as to class, species, bone or bone fragment and side. Because of fragmentation, only a 
few metrics were possible. The identified fragments were individually counted and weighed, while 
unidentified fragments were only counted. Quantification was based on the numbers of individual 
fragments (NISP, or numbers of identified specimens). Refitted fragments were counted as single 
specimens, as were fragments found together. The reference collection is the comparative collection 
of the Osteological Research Laboratory at Stockholm University. 

Charcoal Analysis 

Charcoal from hearths was analyzed by Dr. hiiogen Poole in association with the National Her- 
barium Nederland, Universiteit Utrecht Branch, the Netherlands, and by Mr. David Black, M.A. 
University of Western Michigan. 

Macrofossils 

Macrofossils were analyzed by Karin Viklund, Environmental Archaeology Laboratory at Umea 
University. 

Radiocarbon Dates 

Radiocarbon and AMS dates were processed at three laboratories: Stockholm (St), Uppsala (Ua) and 
Beta-analytic (Beta). Dates were calibrated using OxCal 3.10 and 4.0. The uncalibrated dates are 
listed together with calibrated dates (uncal/cal). All dates are listed in Appendix 2. 

Metallurgy 

Analysis of slag and residues from hearths relating to iron working was conducted by the Geo- 
archaeology Laboratory (GAL) of the National Heritage Board, under the direction of Dr. Eva 
Hjarthner-Holdar. Analysis was carried out by Eva Grandin, Eva Hjarthner-Holdar, Emma Gron- 
berg and David Andersson. 

Shoreline Displacement 

The starting points for uplift curves are old watermarks that had been carved by students of Carl 
von Linne (Linnaeus) in the 1700s (Broadbent 1979:199-201; Nordlund 2001). The theory at that 
time was that the sea was evaporating, not that the land was rising. It was believed that Earth goes 
through three stages: one of flooding (the Biblical Flood), the intermediate stage we are experienc- 
ing today, followed by conflagration, when all the seas have evaporated. Although these scholars 
were unaware of the idea of glaciation, their watermarks are an invaluable contribution to geophys- 
ics and archaeology. 

Stone Age sites in northern Sweden are found on old beaches that have been uplifted 120 
m or more. Settlements are distributed in time at different elevations like steps in a stairwell. Be- 
cause of the flatness of north Swedish topography, however, several meters of difference between 
site elevations can lead to a kilometer or more of horizontal separation between them. Coastal 
archaeological sites in northern Sweden therefore have little overlap and chronological resolution 
is exceptional. Increases and decreases in worldwide sea levels due to climate changes have either 
accelerated the effects of land-rise by lowering sea levels or stabilized the shorelines by keeping 
pace with the uplift. During warm periods, prehistoric settlements and artifacts tended to collect 
in greater numbers at stabilized levels because of slowdowns in displacement. During cold periods, 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 



47 



Figure y. Watemtark at Ratan, 40 km north of 
the Umea. The oldest mark was catved by Anders 
Chydenius, a student of Carl Linnaeus, in ly^c). An 
automatic sea level (mariographic ) station is housed in 

the concrete huildine. 



the opposite took place and sites and arti- 
facts were more widely spread across the 
landscape. These patterns are particularly 
evident during the Litorina Period when 
sea level rises were greatest. 

The shoreline displacement curve 
for Vasterbotten is based on a watermark 
from 1749, radiocarbon dates, archaeo- 
logical finds and pollen zones (Broadbent 
1979:204-211). These points were fitted in 
a least squares curve-fitting analysis using 
an exponential model simulating crustal 
rebound. (The physical model is that of a 
steel spring releasing and contracting in a 
viscous solution.) The resulting shoreline 
displacement model for the past 2,000 
years has been verified by counting annual 
lake sediments (varves) in uplifted lake ba- 
sins in coastal Vasterbotten (Segerstrom 
and Renberg 1986). 

This shoreline curve is illustrated 
in Figure 34 and includes four new points 
from the current study. The highest rates 
are in the north near Storkage, and some- 
what lower rates occur to the south of 
there. This downward tilt (slowing) toward 
the south can be seen by the calibrated ra- 
diocarbon dates from Stora Fjaderagg and 
Snoan. Estimated sea level fluctuations 
(based on Miller and Robertsson 1979) are 
shown as a dashed line. 

It should be remembered that dates 
of settlements and place-names using el- 
evations are maximum possible ages; that 
is to say, they cannot be older than their 
contemporary shorelines (have been under 




Table 3. Calculated rates of shoreline 
displacement in Vasterbotten County. 

YEARS 

(UNCAL/CAL) 

5000/6100 B.C. 
4000/4900 B.C. 
3000/3800 B.C. 
2000/2600 B.C. 
1000/1450 B.C. 
0/-200 A.D. 
500/300 A.D. 
1000/950 A.D. 
1500/1400 AD 
1900-Present 



ELEVATIONS 


UPLIFT RATES 


(M) 


(M/YR) 


119 


2.9/2.4 


92 


2.4/1.9 


70 


2.0/1.7 


51 


1.8/1.5 


35 


1.6/1.3 


20 


1.4/1.1 


15 


1.2/0.98 


9.6 


1.1/0.93 


4.5 


0.98/0.87 


0.67 


0.92/0.81 



48 



CHAPTER 4 




500 1000 1500 2000 

AD 



Figure Shoreline displacement curve for Vasterbotten. Dashed line shows eustatic (sea level) Jluctuations. Squares indicate 
radiocarbon dates from Iron Age huts. 



water). Because of the rapidity of uplift in Vasterbotten there was no extended inundation of sites 
although some could have been temporarily flooded during storms. Exceptions to this are ship- 
wrecks, such as the Ava boat in Lovanger (Jansson 1981). 

Lichen Growth on UpHfted Beaches 

One of the most daunting challenges of the project has been the fact that most constructions 
consist of exposed piles of rocks. Only dwellings with hearths could be radiocarbon-dated, and 
shoreline dates provide only maximum possible ages. This means that labyrinths and other con- 
structions were essentially undatable. Following a suggestion by ecological botanist Christer Nils- 
son, I pursued the idea of using lichen growth on stones for dating cultural features on uplifted 
beaches. 

The lichenometric method was developed in the 1950s and has been mostly used in moun- 
tain environments for the dating of glacial moraine (Beschel 1950; Benedict 1967, 1985; Locke et 
al. 1980; Karlen 1975; Topham 1977). The most often used species is the gray-green crustose group 
Rhizocarpon geographicum and R. alpicola. Crustose lichens grow symmetrically, and thallas (lichen 
body) diameters can be used to estimate age once their growth rate has been determined. Thallus 
diameters can vary on the same specimen because of competition or other impediments to growth, 
but a maximum diameter where there are no impediments always corresponds to the maximum 
age of the lichen. Age can be calculated indirectly through lichen colonization on previously dated 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 



49 



surfaces, such as headstones, and 
in the Bothnian region on rocks 
on uphfted shores (Figure 35). 
Using the previously calculated 
rates of shoreline displacement 
and an analysis of headstones at 
Bygdea cemetery, it was possible 
to calculate growth rates for this 
coastal region. Lichen growth 
proceeds in two phases, a short 
period of very rapid growth, the 
so-called great period, during 
which the surface is colonized, 
and thereafter a constant rate of 
linear growth. The rapid coloni- 
zation rate for this region was de- 
termined at Bygdea (Broadbent 
1987a), and linear growth rates at 
Grundskatan, Bjuroklubb, Stora 
Fjaderagg and Snoan (Broadbent 
1987c) (Figure 36). 

The hypothesis behind 
this approach is that follow- 
ing colonization of uplifted 
beaches, lichen sizes will corre- 
late with their elevations above 
sea level. For every meter above 
sea level, the original colonizers 
will have added approximately 
a century of growth (Broadbent 
and Bergqvist 1986; Broadbent 
1987c). The largest (oldest) li- 
chens at every meter above sea level were measured at numerous sites including those mentioned 
above. Bjuroklubb is, for example, characterized by eight fairly straight exposed cobble terraces 
extending up to 15 m above sea level. Lichens were measured at 14 levels starting at colonization, 
which was observed at the 1.28 m level. The largest (oldest) lichens ranged in diameter from 19 
mm at the lowest level to 358 mm at 14.29 m above sea level. The correlation coefficient between 
elevations and maximum diameters was 0.99 at this site, 0.98 at Grundskatan and Stora Fjaderagg, 
and 0.94 on Snoan Island. On the basis of this data, individual linear regression equations were 
calculated for each site. 

The growth equation for estimating lichen age, based on the combined data from Bjuroklubb 
and Grundskatan (22 points), is: Y (age) = 152 -1- 3.47 x (diameter in mm). This means that a lichen 
diameter of 100 mm is 152 + 347, or 499 years old. The standard deviation is 31 years, so the range 




Figure Rhizocarpon geographicum lichens growing on a monument by 
Lovanger Church and a 33 cm diameter Uchen growing on a beach boulder at an 
elevation of i4.2g m above sea level at Bjuroklubb. 



50 



CHAPTER 4 



m.a.s.l. 
u 

12 
10 



• • • • 



A.D. 

soo 

700 
900 
1100 



1300 



1500 



1700 



1900 



10 15 20 2 5 30 



35 uo cm 



Figure }6. Maximum diameters ofR. geographiciim at elevations up to 35 m above sea level on seven beaches 
between latitudes 6]°N-6fN (uplift between S.^-Q.i mm year). Linear growth was obsewed at all sites. 



with one standard deviation is 468-530 years, or A.D. 1478-1540. Equations were calculated for 
each individual site, but varied only slightly along the Bothnian coast, which indicates that there 
were minimal micro-environmental differences between locales. 

A lichen date is a minimum age, which means that an archaeological feature, such as a 
labyrinth, is at least as old as the lichens growing on it. Its elevation above sea level provides a 
maximum age, so there is a means for bracketing the feature in time. Lichen growth also makes it 
possible to determine relative differences in construction periods as some surfaces may have large 
lichens growing on them, whereas other areas that may have been built later or were disturbed, 
will have smaller ones. The best approach in using lichenometry is to combine all the chronological 
information about a site, including the overall find context (cf Broadbent i987d:43-45). Historical 
data, elevations above sea level, rock-weathering and proximity to other dated features were used to 
evaluate the results. 



A Glossary of Archaeological Features 

A number of characteristic stone constructions have been documented within the project. They 
were made using dry-wall methods and, although sometimes chinked using pebbles and often in- 
corporating boulders, neither mortar nor bricks were used to build them. Each site has been desig- 
nated by a number assigned by the National Heritage Board (Riksantikvariecimbetet or Raa). Because 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 



51 



of the variety of constructions at each site, these are referred to as "Archaeological Features" or as 
"Features" (anlaggningar or anl.), and identified by a number or letter corresponding to the order in 
which they were investigated. 

Huts 

Bothnian huts (Swedish tomtningar) are shelters or foundations consisting of low cobble walls, usu- 
ally less than 30 cm in height, with cleared and level floor surfaces (Figure 37). Their walls are ca. 
0.3-1.0 m in thickness. There can be one or more entrances. The foundations can be open-sided, 
but most doorways measure less than a meter in width and were often well set, sometimes with 
sills. Average floor size is 3 x 4 m, although some floors are smaller and some are over 6 m in 
length and 4 m in width. The foundations usually occur in clusters of two to nine constructions 
and can be built in rows with shared curved or straight walls. Most are rounded-rectangular in 
shape, although oval and rectilinear shapes are found at nearly all levels. Secondary features include 
internal chambers with rounded walls, small cairns built into walls, small well-built pits in floors, 
and external wall lines that could have served as parts of enclosures. There is no certain evidence 
of internal roof supports, such as postholes or post supports, and it can be assumed that the roofs 
were supported by wooden frames embedded in or braced against the cobble walls. Most huts had 
central hearths, and these normally measure i m in diameter and are recognizable from traces of 
charcoal, fire-cracked rocks and burned bones. Most lack stone rings, although many have one or 
several larger stones by them. Hearths in dwellings were possibly bordered by wooden frames that 
are no longer preserved. Hearth deposits are shallow, 10-20 cm in thickness, but can have lenses 
indicating multiple uses. Other bowl-shaped hearths associated with iron working were found near 
the rear walls of huts. Hearths are also found adjacent to and in front of huts and are often identifi- 
able by vegetation and lichen growth on the otherwise sterile cobble surfaces. 




Figure jy. Hut foundation at the Grundskatan site (Site 78, Hut jj. 



52 



CHAPTER 4 



Cairns 

Cairns can be roughly divided into stone constructions of less than i meter in diameter and those 
that are greater in size, usually 3 m to 4 m in diameter. The largest cairns can be graves, sea markers 
or food storage caches. Cairns can occur singly or, in the case of the smaller cairns, in tight groups 
or in lines. These small cairns frequently occur as "fields" of post-supports by fishing sites and har- 
bors and were used in connection with 
the drying and repairing of nets (Swedish 
gistgdrd) (refer Figure 112). 

Caches 

Caches are storage places for perishable 
items and lack any traces of burning or 
burned bones. They consist of cairns or 
subsurface stone chambers of different 
sizes. They often occur near, or even in, 
huts and are often found in open boul- 
der fields. They were frequently built 
next to boulders and bedrock outcrops 
(Figure 38). 




Figure ]8. Small cache beside a hut on Stora Fjaderiigg Island (Sites 
31-32)- 




Figure }g. Stone alignment at the Grundskatan site. 



Alignments 

Alignments are lines of stones that are 
not dwelling constructions or net-drying 
post supports. Some are probably associated with en- 
closures for livestock. These kinds of alignments are 
documented elsewhere in Scandinavia (stenstrdngar) 
(Lindqvist 1968; Myhre 1972; Carlsson 1979). Other 
alignments occur in long parallel lines with spaced 
openings and were probably used for snaring birds, 
as seems to have been the case at the site of Horn- 
slandsudde (Figure 144). Some parallel stone align- 
ments are set at right angles to former shorelines and 
mark boat-landing places. 

Circles 

These features have been described regarding Saami 
sacrificial sites (Vorren 1985, 1987; Vorren and Erik- 
sen 1993; Wennstedt Edvinger and Broabent 2006). 
They consist of a single circle, concentric rings of 
stones or a wall enclosure, and often have a central 
cairn. Single circles can also be tent rings, distin- 
guishable by their hearths and entrances (refer to 
Figures 109, 187). 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 



53 



Labyrinths 

These are spirahng stone construc- 
tions made up of single hues of stones 
forming walkways toward a center 
point (Figure 40). Bothnian labyrinths 
normally emanate from a central cross 
(refer to Chapter 10). They are most 
often associated with fishing sites 
(Kraft 1977). 

Compass Roses 

These elegant features are small stone 
settings with eight arms and N-S and 
E-W alignments. They were built to af- 
ford compass bearings on land and were 
probably practical ways to orient fishing 
and sailing activities (Figure 41). 

"Russian" Ovens 

These features are free-standing stone 
chambers with openings toward the 
front. They sometimes have a lintel 
stone. During the eighteenth and nine- 
teenth centuries, they were used by 
the Russian Navy for baking bread on 
shore, and are therefore frequently re- 
ferred to as Russian Ovens (Figure 42). 

Shooting Blinds 

These blinds (Swedish jaktskaror or 
gomslen) consist of short lines or piles 
of stones on beaches or by ponds where 
hunters could hide themselves. They 
are associated with firearms and the 
shooting of seals or birds. 

Engravings 

Engravings have been recorded at nu- 
merous places and consist of water- 
marks carved during the eighteenth 
and nineteenth centuries as well as 
names, dates and ownership marks 



54 




Figure 41. Compass rose on Sudan Island. 




Figure 42. Large intact Russian Oven in Osterbotten, Finland. 



CHAPTER 4 




carved by seal hunters and fishermen. 
A large number of engravings dating 
between 1797 and 1915 were docu- 
mented at Svarthallviken on Bjuron in 
Vasterbotten (Figure 44). 



Figure 43. Watermark at Ratan in Vasterbotten carved during the reign 
of Gustav III. 




Figure 44. Engraved names, ownership marks and dates carved by sealers from Osterbotten in 
Finland at Svarthallviken near Bjurdklubb. 



THE RESEARCH STRATEGY 



55 




Figure 45. Aerial view of Stor-Rebben Island in the Pitea archipelago, Norrbotten County. Locations of investigated huts 
indicated. 



Excavations and Analyses 



Regional History 

The main region of the study is Skelleftea Municipahty in Vasterbotten County and Skelleftea and 
Lovanger parishes. The name "Vasterbotten" dates to 1454 and refers to the western (vaster) side of 
the basin (botten) of the Bay of Bothnia (Agren 1969:45) (Figure 47). Coastal Vasterbotten is charac- 
terized by a plain with elevations of less than 50 m with some undulating hilly country of 50 to 100 
m elevations. The area south of the Skellefte River, especially the Lovanger region, has numerous 
old fault lines forming more rectilinear relief with low fjords and narrow bays. 

In the Telje statutes of September 5, 1328, Knut Jonsson wrote that the northernmost parts 
of Helsingland up to the Ule River in Finland should be settled and cultivated, but that the Lapps 
should not be prevented from hunting there. The first official mention of the "Lappmarks" (Lap- 
lands) is from 1340. King Magnus Eriksson's government declared that this area was bona vacantia 
(wilderness), "not known to be occupied by many people," and was now subject to the Helsinge Law. 
The land was made available for settlement to Christian folk and to those who would convert, and 
land-title would be granted to them (Sommarstrom 1966). The eastern boundaries of Lapland in 
Vasterbotten, about 100 km inland, were established as late as 1752. This boundary was strength- 
ened in 1865 as the so-called Agricultural Limit, intended to separate Saami territories from Swed- 
ish and Finnish agrarian expansion. The use of "Lapland" as the demarcation of Sdpmi is therefore 
misleading for archeological as well as linguistic purposes. Lapland, as shown on maps in most 
sources, is best viewed as state-mandated territory. 

Johannes Schefferus stated that although Lappish (Saami) territory did not in his time en- 
compass the Bothnian coasts, it did so before the time of Damianus a Goes (1502 -1574). He also 
quotes Olaus Petri Niurenius, a priest and rector in Umea in Vasterbotten (1580-1645), who stated: 
"the Lapps formerly had their camps on the Bothnian coast but had been driven away from there" 
(Schefferus 1673:50). 

Swedish colonization of the northern coasts was almost certainly underway in the late thir- 
teenth century and by 1316 Uppsala Cathedral had claimed ownership of salmon fisheries on the 
Ume River (Olofsson 1962). This is about the same time that Norwegian settlement expanded in 
Finnmark (1307) and Sweden tried, unsuccessfully, to gain control of these territories as well (cf 
Odner 1983; Urbariczyk 1992). 



57 



The vagueness of the new 
boundary with Russia through 
the Treaty of Oreshek/Noteborg 
in 1323 made it imperative for 
Sweden to occupy the north 
Bothnian coastlands. These 
northern peoples were aheady 
taxed differently than Swedish 
settlers to the south, in Medel- 
pad and Angermanland. Under 
the Halsingelagen, the old Pro- 
vincial legal system, Swedish 
peasants were expected to pay 
taxes and support the ledung, 
the ship-based defense system. 
People living to the north of 
Angermanland were, by con- 
trast, to pay two skins for every 
bow (a taxable adult who could 
span a bow and thereby hunt), and were not expected to contribute to the ledung. In addition to 
this policy, the Birkarlar, Bothnian merchants of Finnish extraction, were given special privileges 
to tax the Saami on behalf of the Crown, especially the fur trade (Steckzen 1964:119-128). King 
Magnus Eriksson's Municipal Law furthermore designated Stockholm as the market for all sur- 
pluses, which effectively put a lid on independent mercantile activities in the North. The city of 
Stockholm was fully established by Birger Jarl in about 1300 and thereafter became the capital of 
Swedish commerce. 

The Saami in interior Vasterbotten, speakers of the Ume Saami language, were evidently 
taxed differently than other Saami under the Birkarl system. According to the Lundii Adiscriptio 
Lapponiae (1670), the Uhmalappar (Ume Lapps) and the Narrlappar (North Lapps) were quite dif- 
ferent. Fjellstrom (1987) postulated that taxation of the Ume Saami was more directly tied to the 
Swedish Crown because they were konungslappar (the King's Lapps). This suggests that they had 
been "appropriated" by the Crown at a very early stage. They had probably already been forced out 
of the coastal areas which were so important for medieval maritime communications, fishing and 
trade. This appropriation of territory was logically paralleled by a special tax burden, both as a part 
of the process of displacement and a means for controlling future settlement and economic activ- 
ity. Colonization continued throughout the fifteenth century, and by 1519 Bjuroklubb had become 
a major center for the Swedish herring fisheries (Magnus 1555; Olofsson 1962). Eight medieval 
churches (Umea, Bygdea, Lovanger, Skelleftea, Pitea, Lulea, Kalix and Tornea) were established. Of 
these, only Bygdea and Lovanger were not situated by larger rivers. 

Skelleftea and Lovanger parishes were first established under the Archbishop in Uppsala, 
Jakob Ulfsson, in 1340 {Skellopt cum capella Lavanger). The present stone church at Lovanger dates 
in all probability to 1507 and was dedicated to Saint Anna, but the church town could be much 
older (Figures 47, 194). Historical sources indicate that there had been competition for the church 




Figure 46. The Ume and Pile Lappmarks and Skellejte and Lovanger parishes 
in the Province of Vasterbotten in the fifteenth century. The Ume and Pile 
designations refer to the two Saami languages that align with these rivers. Inset 
from Figure 7. 



58 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 47. Lovanger church 
town. Each cabin along this street 
belonged to a household from the 
same village, and the street points 
in the direction of the village. The 
church town was a microcosm of 
regional demography. 



site between the villages of Lovanger and Mangbyn (Hedquist 1949:276-277). The area of Mang- 
byn/Broange is interesting because it contains archaeological remains dating to the Late Iron Age 
(Broadbent and Rathje 2001), and church sites of these kinds usually piggy-backed on already es- 
tablished market places. 

Bjuroklubb and Bjuron 

Bjuroklubb point on Bjuron, at latitude 64° 28' N, longitude 21° 34' E, rises 47 m above sea level 
and is best known from an account published by Olaus Magnus in 1555 (Figure 48). He had vis- 
ited the area in 1519 and described the point as "a cliff in the sea, of local people called Bjuraklubb, 

whose high prominent crown 
appears from a distance to sail- 
ors as consisting of a crown 
with three points." He goes on 
to describe this vision as lead- 
ing sailors to safe harbor. Once 
closer, one could observe great 
quantities of fish drying on 
the black rocks along the shore 
[Swedish Svarthallorna]. These 
fish, according to Magnus, were 
consumed locally, traded for ce- 
reals since local crops rarely rip- 
ened because of the cold, or "as 
delicacies for those who lived in 




Figure 48. Woodcut of Bjuroklubb from 2555. The image shows herring drying on 
the roclcs at Svarthdllviken, the rocky point with three crowns, a medieval ship and 
seals in the Bay of Bothnia (Oluus Magnus 155^, Book 11:88). 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



59 



the interior, and through an exchange for fish one could obtain the riches of the forest in the form 
of expensive furs" (Book II: 88-89). Much of the Bjuroklubb point consists of exposed granite, 
gneiss bedrock and wave-washed moraine beaches. The soils consist of shallow gravel and sandy 
sediments with weak podsolic profiles although in some areas on Bjuron large sand dunes are 
found. Vegetation consists primarily of pine heaths with dry blueberry (vaccinium) type ground 
cover and lichen vegetation is abundant, especially reindeer lichens. Birch, alder and spruce woods 
predominate on marshy and low-lying ground. The area is a nature reserve and there are rare plants 
of mountain ^'ail type. 

The name Bjuroklubb, which literally means "beaver island point," derives from the name of 
this former island (and beaver hunting areas) and the historic harbor and point. The oldest harbor 
basin on the island, and adjacent to Svarthallorna, is lungfruhamn. Its threshold was determined to 
be 2.59 m, meaning that it had to have been abandoned by 1656 (Broadbent i989b:26). The harbor 
and chapel at Bjuroklubb dates to 1658 and was thereafter used into the twentieth century (Figure 
32). Even the name Jungfruhamn was probably secondary, however, and derives from what may 
have been the original name of Bjuroklubb, which was jungfrun (The Virgin) (Wennstedt 1988:25). 
The lungfru name was often used to describe dangerous coasts and rocks and was probably a taboo 
word referring to the female demons that caused shipwrecks and other mischief The name also re- 
ferred to the narrow vaginal shape of Jungfruhamn harbor and was an obscene reference, according 
to one source quoted by Wennstedt (1988:25). The name Jungfrun was, in any case, to be avoided 
in everyday conversation, as was the case in many taboos, and was therefore probably replaced with 
the neutral administrative name it has today, Bjuroklubb (Wennstedt 1988:26). 

Against this background, the so-called Jungfrugraven (The Virgin's Grave), two boulder walls 
enclosing a cairn, becomes interesting as a potentially pre-Christian construction. Although the 
lichens on its stones date it to A.D. 1532-1604 at the latest, its elevation (10 m) associates it with the 
Viking Period. We have interpreted this feature as a sacrificial site and contemporary with other cir- 
cular sacrificial sites on Bjuron that are discussed in Chapter 8 (cf Wennstedt Edvinger and Broad- 
bent 2006). The name Jungfru suggests the place was menacing. This was perhaps due in equal 
measure to the dangers for mariners as to the many highly visible pre-Christian constructions in 
the area. Excavations in the vicinity of Bjuroklubb were conducted at Site 67 (Bjuroklubb), Site 70, 
Site 78 (Grundskatan), Sites 138 and 139 (near Jvmgfruhamn) and Site 144 on Lappsandberget. Soil 
samples were additionally collected at Site 79 (Jungfrugraven) and mapping was carried out at Sites 
64, 65 and 68 (Figures 49, 50). 

Jungfrugraven, Site 79 

This construction consists of a ca. 13 m wide and 17.5 m long oval enclosure encompassing a stone 
cairn (Figures 51, 52). The walls are 1-1.5 m wide and 0.75 m high. One straight wall runs parallel 
with the inlet and a curved wall 21 m in length connects with it, leaving i m wide entrances at its 
south and north ends. A 7 x 8 m horseshoe-shaped cairn is situated at the north end of the enclosure. 
A small pile of stones with an upright and engraved cross lies in its center. The largest lichens on the 
walls and the elevation above sea level bracket this construction to the time period A.D. 950-1604. 
Phosphate mapping was carried out within and around the enclosure and revealed no enrichment, as 
would be expected at a fishing harbor. Lichen growth on the central cairn displays two patterns: the 
innermost area has relatively large lichens, while the outermost lichens are very small (Figure 52). 



60 



CHAPTER 5 



GRUNDSKATAN 

V Y/JUNGFRUHAMN 

W LAPPSANDBERGET 



V 

BJUROKLLIBB'S 




Figitre 49. Aerial view of Bjurdkhtbb faciitg south. Sites mentioned in text shown. 




Figure 50. Map of site locales on Bjuron and the 10 m elevation corresponding to ca. A.D. 950. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



Figure 52. Photo of 
Inga-Maria Midk and 
Tim Bayliss-Smith in the 
Jungfrugraven enclosure. 




This indicates that the horseshoe-shaped cairn is 
relatively recent, and that the stones in its outer 
ring had been taken from the center of the cairn. 
This horseshoe shape is shown in A. F. Ekdahl's 
documentation from 1827, but the small pile of 
stones with the engraved cross is not shown in 
this drawing. Lichen growth confirms that the 
small cairn and cross had been set up in the early 
twentieth century. 

Cemetery enclosures of this type are known 
from the Medieval Period, for instance on Hol- 
mon Island. What distinguishes lungfrugraven is 
its cairn, which was not the foundation of a cha- 
pel, but something more akin to Saami offer sites 
in North Norway. These cairns and enclosures are 
associated with hunting and fishing sites (Vorren 
and Eriksen 1993). Although the Jungfrugraven 
enclosure is larger than the Norwegian sites, it co- 
incides by form, location and chronology to this 
material and, most significantly, to the cultural 
context of the Iron Age huts adjacent to it (refer to 
discussion in Chapter 8). 



JUNGFRUGRAVEN 




boulder wall 



Figure 52. Map showing the wall lines and displaced cairn 
stones at Jungfrugraven. The original cairn could have had 
supported an idol. 



62 



CHAPTER 5 




yure 53. Aerial view of Site 64. 



SITE 65 



(37.4m) 



/ ■ 



5m 



\ \ 3S // ill 



Site 64 

Site 64 is a large recon- 
structed 7 X 5.5 m rectangu- 
lar hut with walls measuring 
90 cm in height and up to 
1.5 m in width (Figure 53). 
The floor measures ca. 5.5 m 
in length and 4 m in width. 
A doorway faces southwest 
toward the mainland. This 
large dwelling lies higher 
than Site 65, ca. 17 ni above 
sea level, and was probably 
contemporary with Site 67, 
or A.D. 450-650. 

Site 65 

Site 65 is a cluster of four 
huts in a well-protected de- 
pression at 14-15 m above sea 
level (Figure 54). Three huts lie within 3 m of each 
other and a fourth hut stands 37.4 m to the south- 
east on the edge of a steep waterlogged ravine. Three 
of the huts have hearths that are mostly overgrown. 
The floors measure 4 x 4.5 m, 4 x 4 m and 3 x 2.8 
m respectively. The smallest hut lacks a hearth and 
may have been used for storage. A second small round 
foundation measuring 3 x 3 m is located within 35 m 
of this complex and could have been a "goat hut" (refer 
to Chapter 7). No excavations were undertaken at this 
site, but these huts are interpreted as analogous to and 
contemporary with the hut groups at Grundskatan, 
Site 78. They probably date to A.D. 700-1000. 



Figure 54. Sketch map of Site 65 with three huts in a 
duster, and a fourth hut on the edge of a ravine 37.4 
to the southwest. 



Site 67 

Site 67 is a solitary construction and lies on a 17 m 
high saddle of land with access to both sides of the 
island (Figure 55). The hut is kidney shaped and measures 6x5m with a floor area of 4.5 x 2.6 
m. A 75 cm wide entranceway runs through its southwest wall. Nine soil phosphate samples were 
collected from the floor and range from 30 P° to 194 P°, which is relatively high. Small amounts of 
burned and unburned bones were also obtained. One fragment was identified as a seal humerus. 
A 3 cm thick deposit of sooty soil was found adjacent to the back (north) wall. The burned area ex- 
tended into the wall and into an opening that appears to be a chimney or vent of some kind (Figures 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



63 



SITE 67 




'v'vhut \N 
17.08->r:^^ 



Russian Ovens 



16.53 



5 m 



Figure 55. Sketch map of Site 6y with associated 
features. An oval hearth lies about 100 in to the south 
and downslope from these features. 



56, 173). This arrangement is unlike most dwell- 
ings, but has close parallels to huts at Grundska- 
tan (Hut 11) and at Hornslandsudde (Hut 12). In 
all three cases, the hearths were associated with 
iron slag and furnaces. 




Figure 56. Plan of excavation of Hut, Site 67. 



Finds 

22 pieces of slag (207 g) 

The slag from the Hut 67 was analyzed 
by the Geoarkeologiska Laboratoriet. (GAL) in 
Uppsala and determined to be the by-products 
of forging (Grandin et al. 2005). This mate- 
rial is discussed in detail in Chapter 7. One 
radiocarbon date was obtained from this site: 
(i485±7o B.P.), which calibrates to A.D. 467- 
648. The structure stood just under the top of the rise and had some protection from westerly 
winds, but its elevation also provided a good draft for a furnace. Phosphate enrichment and seal 
bone suggests that this was also a dwelling. This hut was probably associated with nearby dwellings, 
Sites 65 and 68, but these have not been dated. The age of this site makes it contemporary with the 
oldest phase of the Grundskatan settlement on the opposite end of Bjuron. Three additional fea- 
tures were recorded within 15 m of the hut. A small cairn, possibly a cache, lies on a rock outcrop, 
and two stone constructions, one fairly recognizable as a Russian Oven, stand parallel with each 
other below the outcrop. Both ovens have traces of charcoal in them and can be assumed to date to 
the Russian invasions of the early 1700s. 

A small hearth was also discovered partly exposed in the pathway leading up to Site 67 
(Figure 57). It is roughly oval in shape and consists of a selection of stones 20-30 cm in size, with 
one larger flat stone measuring 50 cm across. The surrounding sandy soil was stone free and 



Table 4. Hut 67: Osteological finds. 

ANATOMY SEAL? UNIDENTIFIED TOTAL 

Humerus 1 1 

Ossa longa 4 4 

Indeterminate 7 7 

Total 1 11 12 



64 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 57. Plan of hearth excavated near Site 67. Figure 58. Sketch map of hut row. Site 68. 



red-burned. Some 6.8 g of burned and unburned bones were found, and a radiocarbon date of the 
charcoal (Beta 191232) rendered an age of: 2}o±40 (A.D. cal. 1641-1953). The bone is from a large 
ungulate, probably a reindeer, suggesting the hearth was connected with Saami in the area, as is 
noted in historic accounts of Bjuroklubb (cf. Wennstedt 1988). 



Site 68 

This site is in an area of completely exposed wave-washed moraine beaches lying to the east of the 
previous site. A row of five disturbed floors with six dividing walls lies on a terrace at the 14 m level 
(Figure 58). Traces of four, possibly five, hearths are indicated by fire-cracked rocks. One hut has a 
small storage pit that is identical to that observed in a group of row houses at Grundskatan Site 67, 

Hut I. As the row huts at both 
sites are similar in appearance, 
and are at the same elevations 
above sea level, it can be assumed 
that they were contemporary. 
The radiocarbon date from Hut i 
at Grundskatan is: ii6o±7o B.P. 
or A.D. cal. 779-968. 



SITE 70 




14.30 



13.30 



10m 



Figure 59. Map of Site 70 and three adjacent huts and wall alignments. 



Site 70 

Site 70, at 64° 27' N, 21° 35' E, 
consists of a group of 10 hut foun- 
dations between ca. 10 and 13 m 
above sea level (Figure 59). This 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



65 



complex was situated on the north shore of Bjuron Island and faces Bjuroklubb. A charcoal sample was 
obtained from a hearth in the middle of the complex, as well as 4.6 g of seal bone. The charcoal was 
dated to: io20±6o B.P. (A.D. cal. 902-1149) (Beta-196485) and this is consistent with the elevation of 
the site. Foundations of three huts with adjoining wall alignments were mapped in an area near Site 
70 and at a somewhat higher elevation (Figure 170). These features had not been previously registered 
and were very overgrown, so much so they could barely be relocated in 2005. There are two adjoined 
huts with floors measuring 3x4m and 3 x 3.5 m, and a third simpler construction measuring 3 x 3.5 m. 
What makes these huts especially interesting are the stone alignments/walls that measure up to 10 m 
in length. Based on their elevation and proximity to Site 70, these features date sometime between 

A. D. 900 and 1150. 

Jungfruhamn, Sites 138-139 
Huts A, B and C 

Two huts (Hut A and Hut B) were sampled at Site 138 (Figures 60-61). Their elevation above sea level 
is 15 m. A third hut (C) was shovel tested, but not excavated. It lies in the woods some 20 m away (Site 
139) and radiocarbon-dated to: i7io±i25 (A.D. cal. 139-526) (St. 11909). Hut A is rectangular and 
measures ca. 7.5 x 5.5 m. The hut has two entrances on the opposite walls facing north and south. The 
floor area measures 5 x 3 m. A i m^ test pit was excavated to sample the hearth. A diagonal profile was 
drawn through the pit showing a layer of 10-20 cm burned soil with bone and charcoal (Figure 62). 
Two dates were obtained: (St. 11176) 985+70 B.P. (A.D. cal. 990-1155), and (Beta 196490) i2io±50 

B. P. (A.D. cal. 722-887). Some 58.8 g of burned bone was found in the hearth. Hut B is rectangu- 
lar and measures 4 x 5.5 m. The floor area measures ca. 3 x 3.5 m. A 75 cm wide entrance opens 




I • 0-99 • 100-119 (8) 120-149 #>150 PHOSPHATE 

Figure 60. Phosphate sampUng of Site 1^8 conducted by Johan Linderholm. Values above 120 P° 
were obtained around Hut B. 



66 



CHAPTER 5 



Figure 61. Detailed maps of Huts A (right) and B (left). 



toward the south/southwest and faces 
the inlet. A i pit was excavated to 
sample the hearth and one radiocar- 
bon date was obtained: (St. 11177) 
i300±i30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 636-886). 



Finds 

White (burned) flint chip (15mm) 
Gray flint chip (10 mm) 
Red brown flint chip (10 mm) 
2 soapstone/asbestos (?) slivers (45 mm) 

All the bones were burned and were 
identified as ringed seal, undifferentiated seal, sheep/goat, a large ungulate, and a bird of uniden- 
tified species. Most of the material was found in Hut B, which was also more varied compared to 
Hut A. 



Table 5. Site 138: Species by weight (g). Table 6. Site 138: Species by fragment. 



SPECIES 


HUT A 


HUT B 


TOTAL 


SPECIES 


HUT A 


HUT B 


TOTAL 


Ringed seal 




0.18 


0.18 


Ringed seal 




1 


1 


Seal 


4.43 


0.12 


4.55 


Seal 


3 


1 


4 


Sheep/goat 


0.53 




0.53 


Sheep/goat 


1 




1 


Large ungulate 




2.31 


2.31 


Large ungulate 




2 


2 


Bird 




0.52 


0.52 


Bird 




9 


9 


Indeterminate 


53.92 


133.58 


187.5 


Indeterminate 


436 


903 


1339 


Total 


58.88 


136.71 


195.59 


Total 


440 


916 


1356 



A 



hearth N 




Figure 62. Profile drawn diagonally through Hut A hearth. 



Osteological Material 

The bone material from the two hearths weighs 195.59 §• 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



67 



The anatomical breakdown of this material is difficult because of fragmentation and low 
number of species. It should be noted, however, that there were bones of the cranium, tibia and 
radius in Hut A, bones that are uncommon at, for example, Grundskatan. The radius is from a 
large adult seal. In addition, there is also a fragment of a tibia from a goat/sheep one to two years 
of age. Among the indeterminate bones, there is a dominance of long bones and vertebral frag- 
ments, probably from seals. In Hut B, a femoral fragment from a ringed seal and a seal phalanx 
were identified, as well as a fragment of a large ungulate shoulder blade and humerus. These 
appear to have been from the same animal (or cuts of meat), either an adult cow/moose or rein- 
deer. The indeterminate bones appear to have mostly derived from seals, although some of the 
heavier long bones probably emanated from a large ungulate. There are also numerous small 
bones from birds. 



Table 7. Site 138, Hut A: 
Anatomical distribution of 
burned bone fragments 
from seals. 



ANATOMY 



Cranium 

Radius 

Tibia 

Total 



SEAL 



Table 8. Site 138, Hut B: Anatomical distribution of 
burned bone fragments. 



ANATOMY 



Scapula 
Humerus 
Femur 
Ph3 post 
Ossa longa 

Total 



RINGED 
SEAL 



SEAL 



LARGE 
UNGULATE 



BIRD TOTAL 



1 
1 
1 
1 
9 

13 



Lappsandberget, Site 144 

The goal of the investigation of 
Site 144 was to document a cir- 
cular stone feature on Lappsand- 
berget found during survey in 
the late 1980s and later regis- 
tered by the county. This rocky 
hill rises up to ca. 25 m above 
sea level. Excavation involved 
removal of vegetation and ex- 
posure of the circle and a 13 m^ 
area outside of the circle (Fig- 
ures 63, 64). The soil was sandy 
and barely covered the bedrock. 
Darker brown soil was observed 
in four patches within this circle. 
Twenty soil samples were taken. 



LAPPSANDBERGET 



0.30 



lichen (8cm) 



0.23 



0.40 



lichen ( 1 1cm 



excavation 




1 m 



-0.15 



Figure 63. Map of Site J44 and excavated areas. 



68 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 64. Exposed surface within the stone circle. (Note depression due to a 
pbmdering attempt.) 



13 from inside the circle and 6 
from outside the circle. Three 
additional samples were taken 
from the dark soil deposits. A 
metal detector was also used but 
revealed no metal debris. The 
stone circle measures ca. 2.70 x 
2.70 m and consists of some 50 
stones 20-45 size. Four- 

teen stones of comparable sizes 
were found within the circle. A 
70-80 cm wide and ca. 10 cm 
deep depression was observed in 
the center of the circle and was 
likely to have been the result of a 
plundering attempt that pushed 
these stones aside. Three li- 
chens of Rhizocarpon geographi- 
cum measuring 80-110 mm in 
diameter were observed on two 
in situ stones in the circle, and 
on a disturbed stone within the 
circle (Figure 65). These lichens 
date to A.D. 1480-1583 and pro- 
vide a minimum date for the 
feature. The elevation above sea 
level (-25 m) is equivalent to 
ca. 300 B.C., but this locale was 
undoubtedly chosen because it 
overlooked the settlements and 
the sea. This feature does not 
appear to have been a grave and 
no traces of charcoal or bones 
were found in it. The brown soil 
deposits represent some kind 
of organic enrichment, and the 
phosphorus samples support 

this conclusion. The surrounding soil is very low in phosphorus by comparison. Nitrogen levels 
were high from within the circle, and this enrichment can potentially derive from organic sources 
such as blood, flesh and bone (Figure 66) The place-name itself suggests a Saami context, as do 
oral-historical accounts of Saami living on Bjuron (Wennstedt 1988), as well as the oval hearth of 
Saami type near Site 67 on Bjuroklubb. The age of the feature is most probably within the range 
of A.D. 1000-1600. 




Figure 65. Close-up of one of three lichens growing on the stone circle. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



69 



GRUNDSKATAN 



Ox 



o 



o ' c^ i9 C 



- -14- ' 
^ - 13--" 
, -.12 -- ' 



14. ^ 13 12 11 10 ~8. "7, ~" 5 - 



100 m 



Figure 68. Map showing archaeological features at the Grundskatan site. A. area with numerous hunting blinds and the 
Russian Oven (#io). B. location of the labyrinth ("#14). C, location of the bear burial (#4). D, location of the circular 
feature (#17). E, location of the large pit (#1^). F, location of Hut 2. 




Figure 69. Aerial view of the Grundskatan site with huts and hearths clearly visible at elevations 
between 12 m to 14 m above present sea level. A labyrinth can be seen near the center of the photo. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



Grundskatan, Site 78 

Grundskatan (Grundskataraften) lies on Bjuron at 64° 28' N, 21° 35' E. The site was described as 
early as 1882 but was first mapped in the 1940s by Carl Holm and Gustaf Hallstrom (Hallstrom 
1942:250-257). There are more than 40 hut foundations, (Swedish tomtningar) , cairns and other 
features, as well as a stone labyrinth and a Russian Oven (Figures 67, 68, 69). The site is situated 
on the northern half of a NNW-SSE oriented drumlin. The moraine has been wave-washed and 
consists of gravel and boulders mostly less than i.o m in diameter. The exposed beach toward the 
east has nine terrace formations up to 16.5 m above sea level. There is boggy and water-logged land 
north of the site. Grundskatan once formed a small peninsula when the sea level 10 m higher and 
was an ideal base for sealing. 



Feature 1, Hut 

This hut is one of nine partly overgrown dwellings aligned in a single row between 13 m and 14 m 
above sea level (Figure 70). Ten cobble walls, 0.5-1.0 m in width, separate the floors. The huts were 
built so that a beach ridge forms the major portion of the back wall. Three huts have northeast- 
facing walls with door openings that measure 0.5-1.0 m in width. Five of the floors have central 
hearths. Hut i was in the middle of the row, was the most intact of these huts, and was therefore 
chosen for excavation. The floor area was completely overgrown by mosses, lichens, grass and 
brush. The floor measures 4.0 x 3.0 m and the hearth measures i.o m in diameter. The hearth was 
a round ashy deposit with a lens-shaped cross section up to 10 cm thick. There were no larger stones 
around it or beneath it, but there were a number of fire-cracked stones in it. A small ca. 20 cm wide 
and 15 cm deep cylindrical pit was found in the southwestern corner of the floor near the back wall. 
This straight-sided pit was tightly packed with smaller pebbles. An identical pit was observed in a 



Figure 70. (top) Map 
showing Hut 1 and profile 
excavated through the 
floor. Jltis hut is one of 
approximately 9 built up 
against the same beach ridge, 
(bottom) Cross section of the 
hut and beach ridse. 



BEACH RIDGE 




13.19 



hearth 




13»5 BEACH RIDGE 

Storage pit 



hearth entrance 




1 m 



72 



CHAPTER 5 



row of disturbed huts at Bjuroklubb Site 68 at about the same elevation. It had probably been for 
storage of some kind, but was completely sterile. 



Finds 

I gray flint chip 
Chronology 

One charcoal sample from the hearth was radiocarbon dated to: 1160+70 B.P. (St. 10787). Calibrated 
date: A.D. cal. 779-968. 



Table 9. Grundskatan, Hut 1: Anatomical 
distribution of bones. 



ANATOMY 



SEAL 



LARGE 
UNGULATE 



BIRD 



TOTAL 



Cranium 

V caud 

McV 

Coxae 

Talus? 

Mt 

Phi post 
Ossa I 

Total 



Table 10. Grundskatan, Hut 1: 



2 
2 
1 
3 
2 
1 
1 
2 

12 



lacrofossils. 

CARBONIZED 



Chenopodium (goosefoot) 

Stellearia graminea (lesser stitchwort) 

Rubus idaeus (raspberry) 

/\rcfostap/iy/os iva-ursi (bearberry) 

Empetrum (crowberry) 

Picea (spruce) 

Vaccinium (blueberry) 



Osteological Material 
Seal bone {Phoca sp.) dominated and 
included parts of the vertebrae, back- 
bone, front and rear flippers and frag- 
ments that probably derived from the 
skull. One foot bone (a talus) from the 
rear flipper of an adult seal, two large 
ungulate heel bones (cow, moose, or 
reindeer), and two bird bones (Aves 
sp.) were also found. 336 bone frag- 
ments could not be identified. 

Macrofossil Analysis 
Seven seeds were identified, four of 
which were berries, and one of cheno- 
podium, an edible plant. Their pres- 
ence in the hearth 
suggest summer or 
fall. Crowberry and 
blueberry seeds were 
also foimd in the Hut 
2 hearth (below). 



NON-CARBONIZED 



Feature 2, Hut 

Feature 2 consists of 
a totally overgrown 
hut with a floor area 



measurmg 4.0 x 4.0 

' m. Its elevation is 16 

m above sea level (Figure 71). This hut is one in a row of three huts on the opposite end of the point 
and facing west. Two inwardly curving cobble walls 0.5 to i.o m in width give the hut a horseshoe 
shape with a southwesterly facing entrance. These structures had also been built up against a beach 
ridge. The floor is a natural pebble surface that had been cleared of larger stones. An area of ashy 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



73 



HUT 2 






74 



CHAPTER 5 



soil measuring 1.7 m in diameter lay midway between the rear of the hut and its entranceway. Two 
additional floor depressions of approximately the same size lie parallel to the hut. Not enough un- 

Table 11. Grundskatan, Hut 2: Macrofossils. 

CARBONIZED NON-CARBONIZED 

Arctostaphylos iva-ursi (bearberry) 1 3 

Vaccinium (blueberry) 3 

contaminated charcoal was obtained for a date, but the form suggests these huts were contemporary 
with Hut I. 

Macrofossil Analysis. 

Two types of berries were flotated from the hearth: bearberry and blueberry. 
Feature J, Hut 

Feature 3 lies on level ground at ca. 16 m above sea level. It is a rounded rectangular cobble founda- 
tion with an outer measurement of 7 x 7 m and a floor area of 4 x 4 m (Figure 72). The foundation 
is i.o to 2.0 meters wide and up to 30 cm in height. The hut has a clearly marked entranceway in 




Figure 72. Map of Hut 3 with section of a small posthole near the center of the hut. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 75 



the southeast wall. At the rear of the hut is a 2.0 to 3.0 meter wide and relatively level layer of stones 
that may have supported a platform. The hearth lies in the center of the main floor in front of this 
platform as an irregular burned surface measuring 1.4 x 1.6 m. These deposits were i to 6 cm in 
thickness. There were no stones around the hearth, but several large stones look like they might 
have served as seats or served as "tables." One possible posthole was found between the hearth and 
the platform foundation, but was not large enough to have been a roof support. 



Finds 

Two white calcified flint chips (less than 5 mm) 

One pebble (whetstone.^) 

23 pieces of iron slag (1-30 mm), 80 g. 



Table 12. Grundskatan, Hut 3: Bones 
(fragments). 



SPECIES 


HEARTH 


FLOOR 


TOTAL 


Ringed seal 


1 


4 


5 


Seal 


65 


64 


129 


Hare 




1 


1 


Bird 




1 


1 


Indeterminate 


327 


65 


392 


Total 


393 


135 


528 



Osteological Material 

More than 500 fragments of burned bone were 
found in the hearth and on the floor that derived 
from ringed seal {Phoca hispida), seal {Phoca sp.) 
and hare (Lepiis sp.). All of the skull bones were 
found on the floor together with most of the 
bones from the front flippers. Other bones from 
the front flippers and rear flippers, wrist, etc. were 
from the hearth. 

Chronology 

Two radiocarbon dates were obtained from the 
hearth: i50o±ioo B.P. (St. 11907) and i205±70 
B.P. (St. 11906). The calibrated dates are: A.D. cal. 
435-643, 695-894. 

Charcoal 
Pinus sp. (pine) 



Table 13. Grundskatan, Hut 3: 
Anatomical representation for ringed- 
and indeterminate seals on the floor 
and in the hearth, burned bones 
(fragments). 



ELEMENT 



HEARTH FLOOR TOTAL 



Cranium 


1 


28 


29 


Dentes 




1 


1 


V caud 


1 


1 


2 


Gestae 




3 


3 


Radius 






1 


Cr+i 




3 


4 


C2 






1 


C3 




1 


1 


Mcl 






2 


Moll 






1 


MclV 






1 


Mc 






6 


Phi ant 




2 


9 


Ph2 ant 




11 


11 


Ph3 ant 




8 


8 


Fibula 






1 


Calcaneus 




1 


1 


Mtl 






1 


Mtll 




1 


1 


Mt 


2 


1 


3 


Mp 




2 


2 


Phi post 


20 


3 


23 


Ph2 post 


5 




5 


Ph3 post 


5 


2 


7 


Ph post 


9 




9 


Sesamoidea 


1 




1 


Total 


66 


68 


134 



76 



CHAPTER 5 




GRUNDSKATAN 



r 



16 

® 



07 



/ ..P ; 13g -":._ 

11 14 «2)o) 

17 O /' ; 



6 



50 m 



15.56 










turf ^ 1 
g carbon m 


16.07 

(\J\x 




15.71 


[y] gravel 










hut wall 




hearth 


hut wall 



Figure 73. Map 0/ tlie 
central area of the 
Grundskatan site with 
feature numbers. 



Figure 74. Map and profile of Hut 4. 

Feature 4, Hut (Bear Burial) 

Hut 4 is situated at ca. 16 m above 
sea level and clusters together with 
three nearby dwellings and other 
foundations at the same elevation 
(Figures 73, 74). The outside mea- 
surements are 7.7 x 7.0 m and the 
floor area measures 4.0 x 3.0 m. The 
cobble walls average i.o m in width 
and 0.30-0.50 m in height. A ca. 
I m wide entranceway is observable 
in the north wall of the structure. A 
second opening is on the opposite 
(south) wall, but is more irregular 
and was probably disturbed when a 
cairn was constructed in the south- 
east corner of the dwelling. A i.o m 
diameter central hearth and an ir- 
regular area of sooty soil that could 
have been the result of secondary 
use were exposed on the floor. This 
hearth was not delimited by stones, 
although several large stones were 
found beside it. As will be described 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



77 



in more detail regarding the bear burial, the cairn that had been built directly on the floor had prob- 
ably made the hut uninhabitable. 



Chronology 

Charcoal was obtained from the hearth and rendered a radiocarbon date: iiio±no B.P. (A.D. cal. 
780-1020) (St. 10785). A small indeterminate bone fragment found in a charcoal sample from the 
floor was AMS-dated. It proved to be older than the hearth, i5oo±40 B.P. (A.D. 536-621) (Beta- 
210236), and was contemporary with Hut 3. Soils from under the walls of Hut 4 showed phospho- 
rus enrichment in conjunction with several fire-cracked rocks, indicating the existence of cultural 
deposits that predated this hut foundation. Test pits between Huts 3, 6 and 4 also produced fire- 
cracked rocks. Hut 3 was thus both partly older than and contemporary with Hut 4. Two char- 
coal samples that had been collected in 

Table 14. Grundskatan, Hut 4: Identified 
species based on numbers of fragments (NISP) 
and weigfits (g) for burned bones in heartfi. 



1987 were dated in 2006: (Beta-196486) 
i90±40 B.P. and (Beta 196487) 420±B.P, 
but were almost certainly contaminated. 



SPECIES 



ISP 



WEIGHT (G) 



Ringed seal 

Seal 

Bird 

Indeterminate 



3 

42 
2 
338 



1.52 
20.37 
0.05 
38.8 



Osteological Material 

Burned bones from the hearth (385 frag- 
ments) weighing 60.74 g were identified 
as ringed seal {Phoca hispida), seal (Phoca 
sp.) and bird {Aves sp.). 



Total 



385 



60.74 




78 



Figure 75. Photograph of Hut ^ during excavation. View from west. 

CHAPTER 5 




Figure y6. Map of the cairn and bear bone finds in the southeast comer oj Hut 4. 



A Cairn 

A trench was opened across the floor across the hearth and expanded to encompass the cairn 
(Figures 75, 76). The cairn measured ca. 3 x 3 m and was ca. 15 cm higher than the foundation. It 
was sectioned and excavated down to sterile gravel. A concentration of bones within an area of ca. 
i.o X 0.5 m was exposed directly beneath the cairn stones in the southeast corner of the hut. The 











Bear bone 1080±40BP 

n^rih lllO^llORp ^^Jfltfi^ 










aiBQGilAD 


500CalAD lOOOCalAD 
Cahbrateddate 


I5OOQ1IAD 



Figure 77. Calibrated dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4. 



bones were concentrated in a 10 cm thick layer between 15.71 and 15.74 m above sea level. This was 
approximately 10 cm below the former ground surface. At that time of discovery, the appearance of 
these bones was so dissimilar to the bones in the hearth, they were judged as being unrelated. They 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



79 




Im 



M H 

PHOSPHORUS 



Figure 78. Map 0/ southeast comer of Hut 4. Phosphorus 
enrichment in the area of the hear bone deposition and 
under the hut walls. Fire-cracked stones were also found 
under the walls indicating an older settlement surface. 



X 1031 
V 400 



OQ OQoQ 

^ — . 1 5. hi c ^ 



o 

/' 

/ 



X 100 
V 400 



wall line 




Figure 79. Map of southeast corner of Hut 4 showing location of 
bear bone deposition. 



were subsequently AMS-dated to: 1080+45 ^-P- (Ua-18930), indicating that the bear bones were 
contemporary with the hearth. This date cahbrates to A.D. cal. 898-1014. Their median values are: 
A.D. cal. 912 and A.D. cal. 958. 

Phosphorus sampling was undertaken in 2005 to additionally delineate the bone deposi- 
tion. The La Motte system is based on a colorimetric scale indicating "Low," "Medium" or "High" 
levels of soil enrichment. Based on comparisons with previously analyzed phosphate samples on 
the site by Johan Linderholm (Broadbent i987b:57), "Low" phosphorus levels correspond to 0-90 
P', "Medium" to 100-150 P° and "High" to >i50 P°. The off-site values for the site were low using 
both methods. The highest measured phosphate enrichment on the site was 209 P° and the aver- 
age for the huts was 108 P". A sample from the southwest corner of Hut 4 measured 119 P°. The 
La Motte readings from Hut 4 are uniformly low except for two samples from the exact area where 
the bear bones had been lying when excavated in 1987 and in two samples from adjacent areas 
under the walls of the hut (Figures 78, 79, 80). This simple field test has thus rendered consistent 
information regarding the location of the bone deposition in the hut and has also confirmed that 
there had been an earlier occupation surface. The whole cairn was subsequently excavated and a 
tree stump in the foundation was removed. Although the tree had disturbed the outer part of the 



80 



CHAPTER 5 



X 1 00Y400 



UNDISTURBED SOIL PROFILE 




X100Y395 



SANDY SOIL AND GRAVEL 



IINIXCW Al 1 I) 



X101.80Y400 



HUT FLOOR 
■^esf 



X10I.80Y395 
Jl V' 



BEAR BONES 



X1()4Y4()0 



I5.<.2 I.. I A 




XI04Y395 



Figure 80. Three profiles through Hut 4. 



cairn and foundation, the boulders that had been incorporated into the construction prevented any 
disturbance inside of the dwelhng. The cairn was therefore mostly intact, as was the integrity of 
the bone find. 



Bear Bones 

A total of 66 bones weighing 949 g were found, of which 275 g could be identified as to skeletal 
element. The morphology and structure of the bone fragments indicate that they originated from 
the same individual. Judging from the sizes of the largest bones and the thickness of the cortex of 
the long bone fragments, they derived from an adult bear. Phosphorus enrichment was noted in 
this corner, as compared with the rest of the hut floor, and this localized buffering of soil acidity 
probably helped preserve the bones. The soils are otherwise quite acidic with pH values of 4.9 to 
5.2. The bones lay in three separate piles surrounded by scattered fragments. In one pile lay parts 
of the cranium, both halves of the lower jaw, a few fragments of teeth and numerous small frag- 
ments of long bones. The second pile consisted of three larger long bones, and a third pile consisted 
of tooth fragments. There were no phalanges. Some of the bones were partly charred, dark colored 
and heavily fragmented. The tooth fragments also exhibit traces of heating (charring and discolor- 
ing) and the crowns had been broken due to heat. It is clear 
from the excavation that the bones had not been burned at 
the place of deposition. 



Table 15. Bear (Ursus arctos) 
bones by weight (g). 



SPECIES 



TOTAL 



Bear 

Indeterminate 
Total 



275.4 
673.68 

949.08 



Bones and Teeth 

Although no skeletal elements lay in correct anatomical po- 
sition, the deposition was not without structured elements. 
Most bone fragments had been placed without any specific 
order in the largest heap, but some larger leg bones, 2 tibia 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



81 



Table 16. Bear bones by fragment. 
SPECIES NO. FRAGMENTS 


WEIGHT (G) 


Table 17. 

ANATOMY 


Bear bones by anatomy. 

TOTAL 


Dear do 


97R /in 


IVIdllUIUUId 






Indeterminate 6* 


673.68 


Dentes 




50 




Q/i Q ns 

.Uo 


Humerus 




1 






Radius 




1 


*all indeterminate fragments not counted 




Ulna 




1 






Tibia 




2 






Long bone fragments 


6 






Total 




66 



fragments, a radius, an ulna and a larger indeterminate 
fragment of a long bone, had been placed next to each 

other in a separate pile. A number of tooth fragments had been placed in a third concentration. 
There had been a conscious sorting of the bones. Marks on the bones provide some insights into 
how the bear carcass had been handled prior to burial. The radius and the ulna exhibit fresh frac- 
ture patterns, indicating that they had been broken or cracked shortly after the death of the bear 
when the carcass was in a fresh state. One of the charred fragments exhibits cut marks that show 
that the carcass had been slaughtered and severed prior to burning. 



Charcoal 

(From sooty deposits by the bear 
bones) 

Yew (Taxus sp.) 
Heather (Erica sp.) 
Birch/Alder (Bctulaceae) 
Angiosperms (>i3 small twigs) 
Conifers (5 small twigs and 
wood remains). 

The charcoal analysis from the 
area of the bear grave has pro- 
duced some unexpected results. 
While most of the identified 
plants are typical of the area, 
the find of yew is totally out of 
its normal range. Yew grows in 
southern Sweden and this find 
could suggest that it had been 
part of a bow or had ritual mean- 
ing (refer to Chapter 8). 




Figure 81. Map of Hut 5. 



82 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 82. Map of Hut 6. 




Feature 5, Hut 

This oval hut was previously un- 
registered. It lies between 15-16 
m above sea level and was built 
up against a beach ridge (Figure 
81). It is one of three structures 
along the same beach ridge and 
probably belongs to the same 
complex of dwellings. It mea- 
sures 5 X 6 ni with a floor area of 
4x4m. Ashy deposits indicate 
a hearth area, but no bones or 
charcoal samples were obtained. 

Finds 

2 gray flint chips 
Feature 6, Hut 

This dwelling lies 10 m south 
I of Huts 3 and 4. It consists of a 
rectangular foundation measur- 
ing 6x5m with a floor area of 
4.5 X 3 m (Figure 82). There is 
an opening toward the south, 
that was probably an entranceway, but there 
was possibly a second entranceway on the 
eastern short end of the dwelling. There 
was a small central hearth but there were 
no intact deposits. A large wall extension 
runs out of and parallel to the west wall of 
the dwelling, extending 4 m, and then run- 
ning parallel with the southern wall for 8 
m. This construction is interpreted as an 
addition to the dwelling, possibly a covered 
shed or porch. The wall also extends toward 
the west and could also be part of a stone 
alignment. 

Feature y, Hut 

This foundation is located 5 m SSW of Hut 
5 and on the same beach ridge. It mea- 
sures 4.5 X 5 m with a floor area of 4 x 4 m 



Figure 83. Map of Hut 7. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



83 



' ' 








■7^^ i 


1 — . — ' 




0S 




^— — < 


i « 

1 ■ 


9 • 


> . 














^ 1 




— • — < 






® 


























• 




• « 

^ < 


1 ( 

1 


( 


















— • — ( 








1 


















i 


• 


^ — 




» — • 













0-99 •99-119 ® 120-149 #>150P'' 



Figure 84. Phosphate map showing enrichment to the southeast of the huts and near stone alignments. 



(Figure 83). There was no hearth but an entranceway toward the SE. It is probably the foundation 
of a storage shed. 



Phosphate Mapping 

Fifty-three phosphate samples were taken at 10 m intervals in an area of 50 x 150 m (7500 m^) 
(Figure 84). These were analyzed using standard laboratory methods. The samples showed some 
enrichment in the area between Huts 3, 4 and 6 but displayed the greatest concentrations to the 
east and south of the dwellings in a 25 m wide band that runs from the area of Feature 8 (a cairn), 
and around several stone align- 
ments 20 m to the east of Hut 
3. This pattern indicates organic 
enrichment near the cairns and 
what may possibly have been a 
livestock enclosure area. Finds 
of sheep/goat and other ungulate 
bones at five hut sites show that 
animal husbandry was indeed 
practiced by these seal hunters. 
Manure would create phosphate 
concentrations such as those 
seen at this site (greater than 150 
P°) (cf Aronsson 1991). What is 
curious about this enrichment 
is that it is not inside a potential 
enclosure, but around it. This 

could mean that if a fence had Figure 8^. Map of Feature , 




84 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 86. Map of Feature 9. 




Figure 87. Photo of Russian Oven (Feature 10) at Grundskatan. 



been supported by these stones 
it was intended to keep animals 
out, not in. This could thus 
have been a temporary holding 
pen used for marking or milk- 
ing, or was perhaps a small gar- 
den plot. 

Feature 8, Cairn 

This cairn is one of three that 
extend in a line to the north of 
Huts 3-7. The cairn measures 
ca. 3.5 X 3 m, is ca. 50 cm in 
height, and has a central cham- 
ber measuring i x 0.5 m (Figure 
85). The opening is well con- 
structed rather than the result 
of plundering. There were no 
finds of burned bones or char- 
coal. The feature is interpreted 
as a cache. 

Feature 9, Cairn 

This cairn is almost identical 
to Feature 8. It measures 4 by 4 
m and was built of cobbles and 
larger stones around a boulder 
(Figure 86). The height of the 
cairn is 50 cm and its central pit 
measures 60 by 85 cm. There 
were no traces of carbon, bone, 
or other organic residues. It is 
interpreted as a cache. 



Feature 10, Baking Oven ("Russian" Oven) 

A distinctive oven with thick charcoal deposits lies at ca. 10 m above sea level and off to the side of 
the main site area (Figure 87). The soil was flotated, but revealed little except charcoal. The radio- 
carbon date (St. 10785) indicates an age of less than 250 years, which would be the 1700s, a period 
of Russian invasions in Vasterbotten. There are two similar ovens near Site 67, but these were not 
dated. Two radiocarbon dates were obtained from an oven on Snoan Island, however, both indicat- 
ing the fifteenth century, Site 92. This means that although these features were probably used for 
baking, they were not all associated with the Russian period. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



85 



14.10 




w A E 




0.5m 



Feature ii, Hut 

Feature ii is a rectangular hut foundation 
measuring ca. 7 x 5 m (Figure 88). The eleva- 
tion above sea level is 14.0 m. The walls of 
the hut measure i.o m in width and 0.3 m in 
height. The floor measures 5.0x3.5 m. Azm 
wide entrance opens toward the southeast. A 
third parallel cobble wall forms a small addi- 
tional room. This wall is 4.5 m long and i.o m 
wide. Another narrow rectangular foundation, 
possibly a storage shed, lies several meters be- 
hind Hut II. Hearth deposits were found just 
beneath the humus and extended 10-20 cm 
below the surface, and somewhat off-center to- 
ward the back wall. Unfortunately, a tree had 
grown in the hearth area and several large 
roots had penetrated the deposits. 

Finds 

300 g of iron slag 

The find material consists of both homo- 
geneous slag and slag with melted stones, 
red-burned clay and rusted iron. A techni- 
cal analysis was performed by Grandin et al. 
(2005). The slag includes varying proportions 
of wiistite, olivine and glass flux. Fine-grained 
magnetite was also observed. Drops of metal- 
lic iron indicate that the iron content had been 
high. There had also been a good supply of ox- 
ygen. The slag derived from forging, and iron 
scales, the result of hammering, were picked 
up in the hearth using a magnet. A single ra- 
diocarbon date of charcoal (St. 11170) gave an 
age determination of ii75± 100 B.P. (A.D cal. 
723-972). No animal bones were found. 

Charcoal 

Betula sp. (birch) 

Pinus sp. (pine) 

Angiosperm 

Conifer 



Figure 88. Map of Hut 11 and profiles through the hearth area. 




Figure 8cj. Map of Hut 12 and profile of the hearth. 



86 



CHAPTER 5 



Feature 12, Hut 

Feature 12 is a horseshoe-shaped hut 
foundation measuring ca. 8 x 6.5 m. 
The elevation is 13 m (Figure 89). 
The floor area measures 3.5 x 3.5 m. 
A single i.o m wide entrance faces 
north. An oval hearth measuring ca. 
1x2m had been partially disturbed. 
One half of the hearth was excavated 
and rendered animal bone (17.06 g, 
391 fragments) and charcoal. 

Chronology 

One radiocarbon date was obtained: 
(St. 11171) 1430+ no B.P. (A.D. cal. 
437-760). 

Finds 
None 

Osteological Material 

None of the bones were identifiable. 













Hut 13c 12(XW0BP ^*Ji^^.^ 

Riif Hp im'^IIORP M^^^^^. 






Hut 13b 88at80BP 










1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 


1 




CalBaCalAD 


500CalAD lOOOCalAD 
Calibrated date 


ISOOCalAD 



Figure 93. Calibrated radiocarbon dates from Hut ij. 



Feature 13, Hut 

Hut 13 lies at ca. 12 m above sea level and had been built up against a beach ridge. It measures 
6.5 X 5 m (Figure 90). A well-marked entrance faces east toward the beach. A well-constructed oval 
chamber occupies almost one half of the floor space, presumably for storage. Hearth deposits were 
found in the rear of the structure and three carbon samples were collected: (Beta-198488), i200±40 
B.P., (St. 11908), io45±iio B.P. and (St. 11172) 88o±8o B.P. These calibrate respectively to: A.D. cal. 
777-884, 880-1155, 1044-1220. 




EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



87 



Artifacts 
None 

Feature 14, Hut and Labyrinth 

Feature 14 is a labyrinth mea- 
suring 8x9m. The labyrinth 
has 10 rows of stones and is situ- 
ated at approximately 13 m above 
sea level. The entrance to the 
labyrinth faces north/northwest. 
The labyrinth overlies a hut wall 
measuring 6 m across (Figure 
92). The exposed interior of the 
floor area is 4 m across. A 2 x 
I m trench and a 50 x 50 cm 
square were excavated across the 
labyrinth stones in order to ex- 
pose the hearth beneath it. The 
hearth deposits extended to 20 
cm below surface (Figure 93). 



14.03 



13.59 



profile 





13.47 



excavation 



13.56 



/ 



5 m 



Figure 92. Map of labyrinth and hut wall at Grundskatan, Feature 14. The 
labyrinth had been deliberately built on top of the hut and wall stones had been 
used for its construction. 




88 



CHAPTER 5 




Chronology 

This excavation rendered two radiocarbon dates: (St.11173) ii45±ioo B.P. (A.D. cal. 776-990) 
and (St. 11174) iooo±i85 B.P. (A.D. cal. 870-1231). This complex feature established the chrono- 
logical relationship between Iron Age huts and labyrinths in the region. It appears that the stones 
from the walls were, in fact, used to construct the labyrinth. The hut dates to the same period as the 
majority of huts at Grundskatan, the Late Iron Age. The labyrinth had a maximum lichen growth 
of 90-95 mm, giving the feature a minimum age of A.D. 1505 to 1523 ±31, using the formula in 
Chapter 4. 

Osteological Material 

Some 16.04 g of burned bone (205 fragments) were found in the hearth but were unidentifiable. 
Feature 15, Pit 

Feature 15 is a very large pit measuring 10 by 12 m across and 2.0 m in depth (Figure 94). The pit 
was dug at the highest level of the drumlin at 17 m above sea level. A surrounding earth wall aver- 
ages 50 cm in height. A 4 m long and 50 cm wide trench was excavated through the north side of 
the wall to investigate its construction. The trench extended down to the former ground level where 
a thin charcoal layer was found. The radiocarbon date for the charcoal layer is: (St. 11175) 67o± 245 
B.P. (A.D. cal. 1033-1467). The median date is A.D. 1295. An older sample was analyzed in 2006 
(Beta-196498), 320±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1515-1641), but is probably contaminated as were other im- 
properly stored samples. Although the oldest date has an exceptionally wide range, it does show 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



89 



that the pit can be contemporary with the huts. Ap- 
proximately half way down the inside of the pit there 
is a narrow ledge or offset. This suggests there could 
have been a construction, possibly a floor, at that level. 
There is no side access to this pit which shows it was 
not a tar-rendering pit. It is an unlikely place to dig a 
large solitary hunting pit, and is interpreted as most 
probably associated with seal oil production during the 
period A.D. 1033-1500 (1641.^). 

Feature 16, Stone Circle 

Feature 16 is a 30 cm high cobble oval located ca. 10 
m northwest of Hut 3 (Figure 95). It has a single open- 
ing facing south and a small central cairn. It measures 
6 m in length and 3 m in width. The central cairn 
is approximately 80 cm in diameter. This enigmatic 
construction bears some resemblance to the so-called 
Jungfrugraven, located less than 2 km away. Its size 
and proximity to Huts 3-6 suggests it had a ritual 
function. The elevation above sea level, 16 m, gives it a 
maximum age of ca. A.D. 400. In 2006, a previously 
missed 220 mm diameter specimen of Rhizocarpon 
geographicum was discovered by Tim Bayliss-Smith on 

the inner wall of the construction. The stone with the lichen sat securely wedged in the wall and 
showed no evidence of having been moved since construction. On the basis of lichen growth curves 
specifically developed for Bjuroklubb and Grundskatan, this lichen is calculated as being 916 years 
old and dates to A.D. io34±3i (with B.P. = 1950), which is almost identical to the radiocarbon- and 
AMS-datings of the adjacent bear burial and hearth in Hut 4. 




Figure 95. Map of Feature 16. 



13.00 






Figure 96. (left) Photo of Feature ly.froni southwest, (right) Drawing of Feature 17. 
90 CHAPTER 5 



Feature ij, Cache and Hut 

This double feature consists of a 4 m wide cairn with a well-made central chamber about 1.5 m 
wide and i m deep (Figure 96). It lies at the 13 m level and is adjacent to Huts 13 and 14. It is tightly 
packed with smaller stones. The cairn was built together with a round wall foundation measuring 
4.5 by 5 m, with a 2.4 by 2 m floor area, and a i m wide entranceway. The floor is level and has no 
traces of a hearth. A similarly built small hut stands near a cluster of 4 dwellings about 40 m to the 
east. Feature 17 is interpreted as a livestock (goat or reindeer) hut and a cache. 

Summary 

• Nineteen archaeological features were investigated at Grundskatan: eleven huts, six mis- 
cellaneous features (four cairns, a labyrinth and several stone alignments), a large pit and 
a Russian Oven. There is an assortment of hut forms, including round, rectangular and 
square shapes, structures with internal storage rooms, platforms and porch-like exten- 
sions. These occur in groups and in rows. 

• Nine radiocarbon and two AMS dates were obtained from hearths, of which three cali- 
brated with 95% probability to ca. A. D. 330-700. Seven of the dates fall within the eleventh 
century. 

• The three oldest dates were obtained from Huts 3, 4 and 12, and the youngest dates were 
from Huts 13 and 14. There is a spread within individual hearths indicating multiple occu- 
pations. The medians of the 11 dates range between A.D. cal. 542-1019. Three samples had 



HLit4e 150Qfe4OBP 
Hut 3a ISOOtlOOBP 
Hut 12 1430illOBP 
Hut 3b 120&=70BP 
Hut 13c 1200i^BP 
Hutu 1175tl(]0BP 
Hutl 1160t70BP 
Hut 14a 1145tlOOBP 
Hut 14b lOOOfclSSBP 
Hut 13a im5±110BP 

Hut 13b 88at80BP 

I I I I I I I I 




lOOOCalBC 500CalBCCalBC/CalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalAD 1500CalAD 2000CalAD 

Calibrated date 



Figure 97. Radiocarbon dates from the Grundskatan site. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



91 



probably been contaminated by improper storage over fifteen years at room temperatures 
(Beta-196486, Beta-196487, Beta-196489). 

• The date of the large pit (Feature 15) indicates that it was potentially contemporary with 
the huts. 

• The Russian Oven radiocarbon dated to the eighteenth century and there are a number 
of hunting blinds etc. at lower levels on the beach that are not described here, but are also 
judged as being of relatively recent date. 

• The labyrinth at Grundskatan (Feature 14) lichen dates to the early sixteenth century. This 
Late Medieval date is most plausible and borne out by other dated labyrinths in the project 
(Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990), as well as the historic context of Bjuroldubb. Most signifi- 
cant in this particular instance, however, is the fact that there is a stratigraphic association 
between a sealing hut and a labyrinth. The symbolic meaning of this super-positioning of 
stone constructions is discussed in Chapter 10. 

• A stone circle (Feature 16) was dated using lichenometry to A.D. io}^±}i, which is con- 
sistent with the dates of the hearth and bear bones in Hut 4. A full discussion of the stone 
circles is given in Chapter 8 and also in Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent (2006). 

• Iron working is evidenced by slag in Huts 3 and 11. Hut 11 contained an iron furnace, which 
is discussed in Chapter 7. 

• The most unusual find at Grundskatan is the bear burial in Hut 4, which dates to the elev- 
enth century and the main period of site occupation. A detailed discussion of this find is 
presented in Chapter 8. 

• The bone material from the hearths derives from five huts. There was approximately 700 g 
of bone, and the identified species or classes of animals were: bear, ringed seal, indetermi- 
nate seals, hare, large ungulates (moose/cattle or reindeer), as well as an indeterminate bird. 

• The anatomical representation of bones from Hut 3 indicates that a selection of seal parts 
had been taken to the hut. Of the seal bones from the extremities, both front and rear 
flippers dominate. Bones from the cranium and backbone are few. Age determination, 
on the basis of closure of the epiphyses, shows the bones from adult seals dominate. Two 
phalanges have changes indicative of a high age. The same selection of bones was present 
in Huts 3 and 4. One long bone fragment of seal has cut marks. 

• Macrofossils from Huts i, 2 and 3 indicate berry harvesting, presumably in the fall, as well 
as an assortment of other plants. 

• Charcoal analysis indicated that pine, birch, alder and rowan were burned. A find of yew 
from the Hut 4 is very unusual and can be the remains of a bow or relate to Eurasian sha- 
manism (refer to Chapter 8). 

Stora Fjaderagg Island 

Stora Fjaderagg Island is located ca. 14 km from the mainland and 3 km northeast of Holmon 
Island (63° 48' N, 21° 00' F). The island is roughly triangular in shape and measures 1.4 km 
in length and 1.2 km in width. It is the highest and oldest island in the Holmon Island group 
with an elevation of ca. 22 m (Figure 98). Its vegetation resembles the sub-alpine region with 
heaths, stunted stands of pine and spruce and exposed moraine and bedrock. Several larger 
ponds, and its location in the Bay of Bothnia, have made it a stopover for some 83 species of 



92 



CHAPTER 5 



STORA FJADERAGG ISLAND 




GAMLA HAMNEN 




Figure 98. (top) Three-dimensional rendition of topography of Stora Fjaderagg Island. Vertical 
scale exaggerated. Seen from the southeast. GIS by Katherine Rusk, (bottom) Map of island with 
locations of investigated huts and labyrinths. 

birds. The odd name probably derives from far a, which means "to travel," or might refer to 
danger or the appearance of the island. 

Historical sources from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries describe the island as the 
village territory of Holmon islanders, but it was also used by seasonal herring and salmon fisher- 
men, and sealers from the mainland and Finland. During the most intensive fishing seasons more 
than 100 people are recorded as living there. It was even possible to grow potatoes. A small chapel 
had been built in 1729 by fisherman from Nykarleby in Finland (Jirlow 1930). 

According to local oral history, the first settlers of Holmon were the "Fisher- Lapps" Hakan, 
Kerstop and Klemmet. These names (Hakansson, Christiern and Clemmeth) were still common 
in the sixteenth century (Sandstrom 1988:138). Other place-names on the island derive from these 
personal names, such as "Klemmetsgrundet" (Klemmet's Reef) and "Clemmets Myra" (Klemmet 's 
Bog). Their original farmstead sites are still known. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



93 



STORA FJADERAGG 




Figure 99. Map of Sites ^1-33 with hut locations and forms, pits, stone circles and excavations. 



Sandstrom judged the references to Fisher-Lapps to be credible, hi fact, residents of Holmon 
were called Lapps by other villagers in the region, as were the people of Stocke and Ranea on the 
mainland (Sandstrom 1988:138). This reference is reinforced by a unique Saami practice on Hol- 
mon of making ropes using roots, a technique also known in Ranea (Sandstrom 1988:139). Finally, 
it can be mentioned that the Orrskar cemetery on Llolmon (with a squarish stone enclosure) was 
referred to as a "Viking nest" because of the heathen practices, including a sacrifices, that were said 
to have occurred there (Sandstrom 1988:138). This was a chapel site but, like lungfrugraven, could 
have an older pre-Christian rit- 
ual association. 



Archaeology of Stora Fjaderagg 
Island 

A concentration of 35 huts lies 
on the eastern side of the island 
(Sites 31-32). This array of huts 
and features faces southeast 
and all have excellent views of 
the surrounding seas; they are 
situated without reference to 
any harbor basins (Figures 98, 
99). Excavations were carried 
out at 20.5 m, 19 m, 15 m and 




Figure loo. Map of Hut A. 



94 



CHAPTER 5 



13 m above sea level. An area of ii stone circles between 7 m and 9 m above sea level was also 
documented (Site 33). In addition, two small dwellings near the Old Harbor (Gamla Hamnen) were 
excavated (Site 34). They lie at ca. 8 m above sea level and overlook the harbor basin (Figures 110, 
III, 112). Five labyrinths were lichen dated by Rabbe Sjoberg and range in age from A.D. 1525-1664 
(Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990:295). 

Hut A 

Hut A is located at 20.5 m above sea level. It has an inverted "G" form with an extended entranceway 
facing south (Figure 100). The feature measures ca. 8 x 5 m and has a floor area measuring 3x4 
m. The walls are ca. i m wide and 0.30-0.50 m high. The entranceway is 1.5 m wide and the most 
distinctive aspect of the hut is its unusual form. A i m^ pit was excavated in the hearth area. 

Table 18. Sites 31-32, Hut A: Faunal remains 
by weight (g). 

BONES BURNED (G) BURNED, NISP 

Indeterminate seal 0.18 2 

Indeterminate seal 10.91 Not counted 

Total 11.09 
Chronology 

13.8 g of charcoal was obtained. This sample (St. 11181) produced one radiocarbon date: ioi5±ioo 
B.P. (A.D. cal. 898-1155). 




Figure 101. Map of Hut B excavation and locations of profiles. (A) Section through the hearth in the center of the dwelling. 
(B) Shows the hearth depression. (C) Cross section of the dwelling. 



Finds 
None 

Osteological Material 

Bone was recovered (11.09 §) ^^^^ two 
specimens could be identified, both frag- 
ments of metatarsal bones from the rear 
flippers of an adult seal. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



95 



Hut B 

Hut B is situated at 19 m above sea level. The heavily overgrown hut is approximately 11 m in diam- 
eter with a floor area of 7 x 6 m (Figure loi). The walls are thick, up to 2.0 m wide, and there is no 
obvious entrance. The hearth was excavated as a unit (a i m^ pit) and this sampling area was then 
expanded to cover 19 m^. 

Finds 

Red clay/slag (iron furnace wall) 

Gray flint chip (11 mm) 

Gray flint chip (less than 10 mm) 

Gray flint chip (less than 10 mm) 

Slag (21x23 rni'n) 

Slag (34x23 mm) 

Fragment of whetstone (36 x 13 x 15 mm) 
Chronology 

Charcoal was recovered (18.7 g), and two radiocarbon dates were obtained: (St. 11900), i66o±70 
B.P. (A.D. cal. 259-529), and (St. 11182), i235±3i5 (A.D. cal. 465-1154). The medians are: A.D. cal. 
386 and 779. 

Osteological Material (by Jan Stord) 

A total of 7.9 kg of bones were recovered from the hut. Approximately 0.6 kg was either un- 
burned or charred. 5.2 kg of bones were recovered from the floor area and 3.2 kg from the hearth. 
The floor area contained a slightly smaller proportion of charred fragments than the hearth 
and the pit (according to weight). The bones came from the original i m^ excavation pit, the hearth, 
the floor area and the profile wall. 

Most of the bones from Hut B could only be identified as unspecified seal. The most common 
species was harp seal, followed by ringed seal, cattle, sheep/goat and duck. The representation of 
species is similar on the floor area and in the hearth, while the pit contained only bones of seals. 
There are also some differences in species representation between the burned and unburned bones. 
The minimum numbers of individuals for the identified species are: 4 harp seals, 2 ringed seals, 



Table 19. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones recovered in different areas, by weight (g). 



BONES 


PIT 


HEARTH 


SECTION* 


FLOOR 


TOTAL 


Burned 


29.29 


2181.84 


752.7 


4946.93 


7910.76 


Unburned 


0.99 


11.55 


8.57 


15.81 


36.92 


Charred 


2.86 


248.47 


40.7 


276.77 


568.8 


Soil sample (Indeterminate fragments) 










1029.65 


Total 


33.14 


2441.86 


801.97 


5239.51 


9546.13 



* from hearth. 



95 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 20. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species by weight (g). 



SPECIES 



BURNED 



UNBURNED 



CHARRED 



SOIL SAMPLE 



TOTAL 



Harp seal 
Ringed seal 
Indet. seal 
Cattle 

Sheep/goat 
Large ungulate 
Indet. duck 
Bird 
Bird? 

Indeterminate 

Not analyzed (indeterminate) 
Total 

* from hearth. 



22.31 
10.41 
1986.1 

0.42 
1.82 
0.15 
0.2 
0.27 
5889.08 

7910.76 



0.44 
8.82 
24.96 
2.7 



35.92 



54.74 

510.06 



4 

568.8 



1029.65 
1029.65 



77.49 
19.23 
2521.12 
2.7 
0.42 
1.82 
0.15 
0.2 
0.27 
5893.08 
1029.65 

9546.13 



Table 21. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species, NISP. 

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED 



TOTAL 



Harp seal 9 

Ringed seal 4 

Indeterminate seal 3474 
Cattle 

Sheep/goat 1 

Large ungulate 1 

Indeterminate duck 1 

Bird 1 

Bird? 2 

Total 3493 



1 
3 

15 
1 



7 
623 



20 



630 



17 
7 

4112 
1 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

4143 



Table 22. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the floor area, NISP. 
SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL 



Harp seal 
Ringed seal 
Indet. seal 
Cattle 
Bird? 

Indeterminate 
Total 



5 
3 

2580 
2 

162 

2752 



4 

255 

5 

264 



9 
3 

2841 
1 
2 

167 

3023 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



97 



Table 23. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the hearth (including 
the finds from the profile), NISP. 

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL 



Harp seal 4 13 8 

Ringed seal 1 2 3 

Indet. seal 884 9 364 1257 

Sheep/goat 1 1 

Large ungulate 1 . 1 

Indet. duck 1 1 

Bird 1 1 

Indeterminate 109 109 

Total 1002 12 367 1381 



Table 24. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species in the 1 m2 pit, NISP. 
SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL 

Ringed seal 1 1 

Indet. seal 10 4 14 



Table 25. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 
ELEMENT HARP SEAL INDET SEAL RINGED SEAL CATTLE TOTAL 



Cranium 
Mandibula 
Hyoideum 
Atlas 

Vertebrae 

Gestae 

Cr+i 

Coxae 

Femur 

Talus 

Calcaneus 

T4 

Mtv 

Ph3 post 



1 



Total 



20 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 26 Sites 31 


-32 Hut B- 


Soecies and skeletal 


elements, 


rharrpd hnnp^ 








ELEMENT 


HARP SEAL 


INDET. SEAL 


TOTAL 


Cranium 


5 


19 


24 


Mandibula 


1 


4 


5 


Atlas 




3 


3 


Axis 




1 


1 


V caud 




8 


8 


Vertebrae 




510 


510 


Costae 




3 


3 


Humerus 




1 


1 


Cr+i 




2 


2 


Cu 




1 


1 


CI 




1 


1 


C2 




1 


1 


C3 




1 


1 


Mc II 




1 


1 


Mc V 




2 


2 


Phi ant 




2 


2 


Ph2 ant 




4 


4 


Ph3 ant 




1 


1 


Coxae 




4 


4 


Sacrum 




2 


2 


Femur 


1 


7 


8 


Patella 




1 


1 


Fibula 




2 


2 


Talus 




7 


7 


Calcaneus 




2 


2 


Tc 




2 


2 


Tl 




1 


1 


T2 




3 


3 


T3 




4 


4 


T4 




2 


2 


Mt 1 




2 


2 


Mt II 




4 


4 


Mt V 




3 


3 


Mt 




1 


1 


Phi post 




6 


6 


Ph2 post 




1 


1 


Ph3 post 




4 


4 


Total 


7 


623 


630 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



99 



Table 27. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, 

HARP RINGED INDET. SHEEP/ LARGE 
ELEMENT SEAL SEAL SEAL GOAT UNGULATE 


burned 

INDET. 
DUCK 


bones. 

BIRD 


BIRD? 


TOTAL 


Cranium 5 2 


92 










99 


Mandibula 1 


23 










24 


Dentes 1 


8 










9 


Hyoideum 


9 , 










9 


Atlas 


2 










2 


Axis 


14 










14 


V cerv 


4 










4 


V caud 


196 










196 


Vthor 


1 










1 


Vertebrae 


506 










506 


Costae 


5 








1 


6 


Cartil. Costae 


1 










1 


Scapula 


1 










1 


Humerus 


2 


2 








3 


Ulna 1 












1 


Carpometacarpus 






1 


1 




2 


Cr+i 


4 










4 


C2 


1 










1 


C4 


1 










1 


Mc 1 


6 










6 


Mc II 


2 










2 


Mc IV 1 


1 










2 


Mc 


5 










5 


Phi ant 


14 










14 


Ph2 ant 


5 










5 


Ph3 ant 


6 










6 


Ph ant 


2 










2 


Coxae 


31 










31 


Sacrum 


2 










2 


Femur 


15 










15 


Patella 


4 










4 


Tibia 1 


37 










38 


Fibula 1 


19 










20 


Talus 


22 










22 


Calcaneus 


9 










9 


Tc 


30 










30 


Tl 


23 










23 


T2 


54 










54 


T3 


43 










43 


T4 


27 










27 


Mt 1 


33 










33 


Mt II 


42 










42 


Mt III 


30 










30 


Mt IV 


22 










22 


Mt V 


45 










45 


Mt 


193 










193 


Mp 


1 










1 


Phi post 


469 










459 


Ph2 post 


301 












Ph3 post 


310 










310 


Ph post 


198 










198 


Tarsi/carpi 


127 










127 


Sesamoidea 


472 










472 


Baculum 


3 










3 


Ossa longa 


2 








1 


3 


Total 9 4 


3474 1 


2 


1 


1 


2 


3494 



100 



CHAPTER 5 



I cow, I sheep/goat and i duck. If the seal bones are treated as one unit regardless of species, the 
material contains bones from at least 21 different individuals. Epiphyseal fusion data of the first toe 
bone (Phi post) indicate that sixteen of them were adults while the other five were sub-adults. Some 
of the bones of both harp seals and ringed seals exhibit skeletal lesions characteristic of old age, 
indicating that there are at least a few very old adults among them. The other species identified in 
Hut B are represented by one individual each. 

There are noteworthy differences in the anatomical representation of seals between the dif- 
ferent find contexts and between the burned, charred and unburned bones. The differences are 
obvious, according to both the number of specimens and the weight distributions. The burned 
bones exhibit a higher representation from the rear flippers. The charred fragments are mostly 
from the vertebral column, while the unburned bones are from the cranium (and rear flippers). The 
bones identified as deriving from cattle or large ungulates come from the upper extremities, i.e. the 
meatiest parts of the animals, while the bones from sheep/goats are from the meat-poor lower ex- 
tremities. One femoral fragment comes from a calf These finds probably represent food resources 
brought to the island. Eight seal bones exhibited marks associated with butchery. One element is 
from a front flipper, two elements are from a rear extremity, and five are from rear flippers. Seven 
of the elements exhibit chop marks and two have superficial cut marks. One fragment exhibits both 
types of marks. The character of the marks indicates rather crude partitioning techniques using 
heavy tools, probably axes. Poor preservation of the bone surfaces may, however, mask the true 
frequencies of lighter cut marks. 

The differences in anatomical representation are not related to the different numbers of 
bones in each anatomical region. A comparison of anatomical units of seals shows that there was 

Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, NISP 



Total (N=4136) 



Unburned (N=19) 



Charred (N=630) 



Burned (N=3487) 

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 

■ Cranium HTeeth DVertebral column 

Ei]Ribcage B Front extremity QFrontflipper 

[D Rear extremity Q] Rear flipper E3 Front/ rear flipper 

Figure 102. Anatomical representation by NISP (excluding ^yi sesamoids, j bacula and 2 long bone 
fragments). 




EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



101 



Table 28. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Species and skeletal elements, unburned bones. 

ANATOMY ELEMENT HARP SEAL INDET. SEAL RINGED SEAL CATTLE TOTAL 



Cranium 



Backbone 

Rib cage 
Front flipper 
Rear extremity 

Rear flipper 



Cranium 
Mandibula 
Hyoideum 

Atlas 
Vertebrae 
Costae 
Cr+i 
Coxae 
Femur 
Talus 
Calcaneus 
T4 
MtV 
Ph3 post 



1 



Total 



20 



Table 29. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representation 
for seals by MAD (minimum anatomical unit). Burned, 
charred and unburned bones not separated. 



ANATOMY STORA FJADERAGG B (N=60) 

Cranium 6 

Front extremity 3 

Front flipper 4 

Rear extremity 5 

Rear flipper 42 

Total 60 



a clear preference for rear flippers. This comparison takes into account the number of skeletal ele- 
ments in each body region. The bones from seals represent a minimum of 6o different anatomical 
units; 42 of these are rear flippers. Note that this comparison excludes the vertebral column (see 
discussion, this chapter). 

There are also differences in anatomical representation in the different areas of the hut. The 
burned fragments exhibit relatively great differences between the hearth and the floor area; the 
hearth contained a larger proportion of burned fragments from the vertebral column as compared 



102 



CHAPTER 5 



Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, Floor. NISP 



Unburned (N=6) 
Charred (N=259) 
Burned (N=2588) 




0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 



■ Cranium BTeeth DVertebral column 

Rib cage SFront extremity B Front flipper 

HI Rear extremity IHRear flipper Front/ rear flipper 



Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, Hearth. NISP 



Unburned (N=12) 



Charred (N=367) 



Burned (N=889) 




0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 



■ Cranium ■Teeth DVertebral column 

E3 Rib cage HFront extremity QFront flipper 

[B Rear extremity ffl Rear flipper EBFront/rear flipper 



Stora Fjaderagg Hut B, pit. NISP 



Unburned (N=1) 



Charred (N=4) 



Burned (N=10) 




0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 



{Cranium DVertebral column BRear flipper 



Figure lO]. Anatomical representation 
in the floor area according to NISP 
(excluding 472 sesamoids, j bacula 
and 2 long bone fragments) . 



Figure 104. Anatomical representation 
in the hearth by NISP (excluding 4^2 
sesamoids, j bacula and 2 long bone 
fi'aginents). 



Figure 105. Anatomical representation 
in the storage pit by NISP (excluding 
4J2 sesamoids, ] bacida and 2 long 
bone fragments). 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



103 



Table 30. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representation for seals, NISP. 



ANATOMY 


BURNED 


UNBURNED 


CHARRED 


TOTAL 


Cranium+teeth 


132 


7 


29 


168 


Vert. Column 


725 


2 


524 


1251 


Rib cage 


6 


1 


3 


10 


Front extr. 


13 


1 


1 


15 


Rear extr. 


108 


2 


15 


125 


Front flipper 


48 


1 


16 


65 


Rear flipper 


1851 


5 


42 


1898 


Front or rear flipper 


127 






127 


Sesamoidea, baculum 


475 






475 


Long bone fragments 


2 






2 


Total 


3487 


19 


630 


4136 



Table 31. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Anatomical representation for seals by 
weight (g). 



ANATOMY 


BURNED 


UNBURNED 


CHARRED 


TOTAL 


Cranium+teeth 


132.22 


12.80 


79.34 


224.36 


Vert. Column 


382.51 


6.72 


368.52 


757.75 


Rib cage 


5.11 


3.09 


3.83 


12.03 


Front extr. 


5.26 


0.17 


1.45 


6.88 


Rear extr. 


172.03 


1.77 


33.15 


206.95 


Front flipper 


36.98 


0.62 


24.40 


62.00 


Rear flipper 


1145.54 


9.05 


54.11 


1208.7 


Front/rear flipper 


60.13 






60.13 


Sesamoidea, baculum 


80.60 






80.60 


Long bone fragments 


1.71 






1.71 


Total 


2018.82 


34.22 


564.80 


2617.84 



with the floor area, which mainly contained bones from the rear flippers. The charred fragments 
displayed a similar anatomical representation for seals on the floor and in the hearth, with most 
bone fragments from the vertebral column. The unburned fragments were dominated by fragments 
from the rear flippers in the floor area, and cranial fragments in the hearth. The small number of 
unburned fragments probably makes the comparison somewhat unreliable, however. The anatomi- 
cal representation in the pit is more restricted than the on floor area and in the hearth, but this 



104 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 32. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Burned bones, 
anatomical representation for seals, NISP. 



ANATOMY 


HEARTH 


PIT 


FLOOR 


TOTAL 


Cranium 


67 




56 


123 


Teeth 


3 




6 


9 


Vertebral column 


410 


1 


314 


725 


Rib cage 


4 




2 


5 


Front extremity 


2 




11 


13 


Front flipper 


20 




28 


48 


Rear extremity 


73 




35 


108 


Rear flipper 


255 


9 


1587 


1851 


Front/rear flipper 


18 




109 


127 


Long bone fragments 






2 


2 


Sesamoids, baculum 


37 




438 


475 


Total 


889 


10 


2588 


3487 


Table 33. Sites 31-32, 


Hut B: Burned bones, anatonnical 


representation for seals by weigfit (g 


:). 






ANATOMY 


HEARTH 


PIT 


FLOOR 


TOTAL 


Cranium 


72.72 




57.52 


130.34 


Teetfi 


1.04 




0.84 


1.88 


Vertebral column 


247.30 


0.09 


135.12 


382.51 


Rib cage 


4.00 




1.11 


5.11 


Front extremity 


0.94 




4.32 


5.26 


Front flipper 


15.33 




21.65 


35.98 


Rear extremity 


121.99 




45.77 


158.75 


Rear flipper 


190.68 


3.99 


950.87 


1145.54 


Front/rear flipper 


7.92 




52.21 


60.13 


Long bone fragments 






1.71 


1.71 


Sesamoids, baculum 


7.26 




73.34 


80.50 


Total 


569.18 


4.08 


1345.56 


2018.82 



comparison is also affected by the small mimbers of fragments. It general, it appears from this 
material that there was some form of spatial organization and related activities in Hut B. 

HutC 

Hut C is located at 15.5 m above sea level It measures ca. 5.5 x 5.5 m and the floor area is ca. 3 
X 3 m (Figure 106). The walls are heavily overgrown and measure ca. i.o m in width. A single 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



105 



Table 34. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Unburned bones, 
anatomical representation for seals, NISP. 

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL 



Cranium 5 117 

Vertebral column 2 2 

Rib cage 1 1 

Front extremity 1 1 

Front flipper 1 1 

Rear extremity 2 2 

Rear flipper 2 3 5 

Total 12 1 6 19 



Table 35. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Unburned bones, 
anatomical representation for seals by weighit (g). 

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL 



Cranium 

Vertebral column 
Rib cage 
Front extremity 
Front flipper 
Rear extremity 
Rear flipper 

Total 



10.93 
6.72 

0.17 

1.77 
0,53 

20.00 



0.99 0.88 



8.52 

0.99 13.11 



12.80 
5.72 
3.09 
0.17 
0.62 
1.77 
9.05 

34.22 



3.09 
0.62 



Table 36. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Charred bones, 
anatomical representation for seals, NISP. 



ANATOMY 


HEARTH 


PIT 


FLOOR 


TOTAL 


Cranium 


6 




23 


29 


Vertebral column 


333 


1 


190 


524 


Rib cage 


1 




2 


3 


Front extremity 






1 


1 


Front flipper 


7 




9 


16 


Rear extremity 


3 




12 


15 


Rear flipper 


17 


3 


22 


42 


Total 


367 


4 


259 


630 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 37. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Charred bones, anatomical 
representation for seals by weight (g). 

ANATOMY HEARTH PIT FLOOR TOTAL 

Cranium 35.26 44.08 79.34 

Vertebral column 200.62 0.48 167.42 368.52 

Rib cage 0.61 3.22 3.83 

Front extremity 1.45 1.45 

Front flipper 12.12 12.28 24.40 

Rear extremity 9.30 23.85 33.15 

Rear flipper 31.26 2.38 20.47 54.11 

Total 289.17 2.86 272.77 564.80 



Table 38. Sites 31-32, Hut B: Bones exhibiting 
nnarks of butchery. All fragments from the floor area. 



ANATOMY 


ELEMENT 


MARK 


Front flipper 


Mcl 


Cut marks at distal epiphysis 


Rear extremity 


Tibia 


Chop mark at distal end 




Tibia 


Chop mark on diaphysis 


Rear flipper 


Tc 


Chop mark and cut mark 




Tc 


Chop mark 




T2 


Chop mark 




T2 


Chop mark 




Mtlll 


Chop mark 




Figure 106. Map of Hut C with 
alignmmts. huts and a storage cache. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



107 



entrance, measuring i.o m in width, faces south- 
east. The excavated hut is one of three construc- 
tions with external wall alignments, a depression 
and a cairn. One of the huts resembles the inverted 
"G" shape of Hut A and is roughly contemporary 
with it. This appears to be a small cluster of con- 
temporary structures. 

Finds 

One chip of gray flint was found and measures 15 
mm in length. 

Chronology 

A I m^ pit was excavated in the hearth and 15.7 g of 
charcoal was found. One radiocarbon date (St. 11183) 
was obtained: 955+75 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1018-1163). 

Osteological Material 
No bone was recovered. 




Figure loy. Map of Hut D. 



HutD 

Hut D is situated at the 13 m elevation. It is roughly oval in shape and has two opposite-lying en- 
trances facing east and west. The features measures ca. 6 x 4.5 m (Figure 107). The floor area mea- 
sures ca. 4 X 3 m. The doors are ca. 0.75 m wide. A i x 0.50 m pit was excavated in the hearth. This 
rendered 205.8 g of bone. Charcoal was found (10.6 g) and radiocarbon dated (St. 11184): 1110+145 
B.P. (A.D. cal. 714-1036). 

Table 39. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Identified species, NISP. 

SPECIES HEARTH SAMPLE 1 SAMPLE 2 SAMPLE3 SAMPLE 4 TOTAL 

Indeterminate seal 1.67 27.95 1.23 1.03 0.08 31.95 

Indeterminate 93.43 12.2 6.81 6.25 2.06 120.75 

Total 95.1 40.15 8.04 7.28 2.14 152.71 



Finds 

One gray flint chip 

Red brown clay furnace fragment (1.5 cm) 
Osteological Material 

The hearth soils and 4 additional soil samples were collected from Hut D. 



108 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 40. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Anatomical representation for indeterminate 
seals, burned bones, NISP. 

ELEMENT HEARTH SAMPLE 1 SAMPLE 2 SAMPLE 3 SAMPLE 4 TOTAL 

Cranium 12 3 

V caud 5 5 

Vertebrae 1 1 

C2 1 1 

Tc 1 1 

Tl 1 1 

T2 • 12 1 4 

Mtl ^ 3 3 

Mt II 1 1 

Mt III 1 1 

MtV 2 1 3 

Mt 1 7 8 

Phi post 20 1 4 25 

Ph2 post 8 8 

Ph3 post 4 4 

Tibia 1 1 

Ph post 1 3 4 

Sesamoidea 21 2 1 24 

Total 6 81 5 5 1 98 



Table 41. Sites 31-32, Hut D: Anatomical 
representation for seals by MAU (minimum 
anatomical unit). 



ANATOMY 



STORA FJADERAGG D 
(N=6) 



Cranium 
Front extremity 
Front flipper 
Rear extremity 
Rear flipper 



The bones derive from seals of inde- 
terminate species, and the rear flippers were 
most common. The minimum number of in- 
dividuals is two (based on three rear flippers). 
Epiphyseal fusion of the toe bones indicates 
that one of them was an adult and the other, a 
sub-adult. One element from the rear flipper 
(Mtll) exhibits cut marks on the diaphysis. 



Total 



Circular Features 

A group of ten ring-shaped stone settings 
measuring 3 to 5 m in diameter is recorded in 
the archaeological surveys (Site 33). The rings 
are on two beach ridges within an area of ca. 
50 X 112 m between 7 and 9 m above sea level 
(Figures 108). The largest feature is an oval wall measuring 0.75 m to i m in height, with a diam- 
eter of 4.9 X 3.7 m (Figure 109). The wall is ca. 50 cm in width and incorporates a large unusual 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



109 



looking boulder. Fifteen meters to 
the northwest of this feature are 
two simpler stone rings, one mea- 
suring 3.5 X 4.1 m in diameter, and 
a smaller ring measuring 2x3m. 
Fifty meters to the northeast, and 
on a terrace at the 9 m elevation, 
is an additional cluster of stone 
constructions, including a small 
cairn of stones lying up against a 
boulder. Five meters to the north- 
west are three smaller rings. One 
of these consists of three small 
chambers. Five meters above them 
is a 5.8 m long cobble wall, an oval 
depression measuring 4 x 3.3 m. 









hearth circle 


enclosure 






4|p cairn by a boulder ^'"-^^ 




, ^'.^-l^ multiple circles 
circle ^ V' 


v.* 

circle 


depression 

* 

*-\ < alignment 
depression 


y 

10 m 



Figure 108. Sketch map of Site with stone circles and related constructions 
and depressions. 




110 



CHAPTER 5 





GAMLA HAMNEN 



7 m excavations » 



* 

compass rose 



S m 



4 m 




LABYRINTH 

.v^ (1525-1595) i> 

pond 



shooting blind 

CHAPEL ^ 



n 

(1729-1910) 8m 
-7m 



7 • ■ ■ net-drying y 
; caims 



BASIN 



3 m 




and a stone ring measuring 
4 X 37 m. The complex faces in 
the same direction as the settle- 
ment as a whole, southeast. The 
shore level suggests a date anal- 
ogous to the radiocarbon dates 
from Huts B-D., approximately 
A.D. 900-1200. Only two of 
the stone rings can be seen as 
dwellings (tent rings). The other 
circular features do not appear 
to have had any practical func- 
tions. These features parallel 
other finds documented within 
the project that are interpreted 
as Saami in origin (cf Wennst- 
edt Edvinger and Broadbent 
2006). The most remarkable fea- 
ture at the site is the cobble-built 
enclosure and a large boulder 
with odd eye-like holes (Figure 
109). According to early writ- 
ten sources (Leem 1767), these 
circular constructions could be 



Figure ni. Map of Gamla Hamnen. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



111 



Table 42. Stora Fjaderagg: Bones from Gamla Hamnen. 

SPECIES WEIGHT (G) NISP ELEMENT 

Large ungulate 22.28 2 1 centrotarsale; 1 long bone fragment 

Indeterminate seal 1.66 1 Part of the claw of the third toe bone, 

Ph3 posterior 

Total 23.94 3 



covered over to prevent dogs or predators from desecrating the offerings. These interpretations 
are discussed in Chapter 8. 

Gamla Hamnen 

Two small overgrown huts lying 
at the ca. 8 m level above the 
Gamla Hamnen area were in- 
vestigated. Hut A is an irregular 
oval hut measuring ca. 4 x 3.5 m. 
The low walls measure ca. 0.50 
m in width. A small hearth was 
found in the northwest corner 
of the hut. Hut B is also irregu- 
lar feature and measuring ca. 
4 X 4.5 m (Figures no, iii). 

Finds 

None , - , 

Figure 112. Aerial view oj Gamla Hamnen, looking east. 

Chronology 

One radiocarbon date was obtained from Hut B (St. 11901): 3io±70 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1490-1650). 
Osteological Material 

All bones were unburned: one tarsal bone and a long bone fragment of a large ungulate (cattle or 
moose) and the claw (nail) of a third toe bone of an indeterminate seal were identified. 

The harbor basin has a threshold elevation of 2.54 m above present sea level, which dates to 
ca. A.D. 1650. A beach ridge at its entrance is 50 cm higher than this level and is probably the result 
of storm surges. The chapel by the basin dates to 1729. As a whole, the radiocarbon date from the 
huts and the lichen dates of the labyrinths, suggest that the harbor could date as early as 1490 to 
1650. As noted earlier, Sandstrom (1988:136-141) has undertaken an extensive analysis of the eleva- 
tions of place-names on Holmon and found they start at the 6 m level, or ca. A.D. 1300. 




112 



CHAPTER 5 



Summary Discussion 

The highest-lying huts and the 
stone circles from Stora Fjaderagg 
Island date to the period ca. A.D. 
200 to 1200. This range is fully 
consistent with the other inves- 
tigated sites with similar eleva- 
tions. The harbor and associated 
features date to the late sixteenth 
century, in line with the licheno- 
metric dating of the labyrinths on 
the island. 

The artifacts from the huts 
show evidence of iron working, 
both slag and furnace clay. This 
material was found in Huts B and 
C, ranging in age from 1660 to 
1015 B.P. Flint chips from strike- 
a-lights were found in Huts B, C 
and D. The two stray finds from 
the island, a silver ring and bronze 
bells, date to the late Viking Pe- 
riod and are contemporary with 
the huts (cf Serning 1960:150). 

In addition to the seal bones 
discussed below, there were finds 
of cattle, sheep/goat and duck 
bones. This evidence of husbandry parallels the finds of sheep/goat bones from Jungfruhamn 
Site 138. Even stone alignments, as found at Bjuron Site 70 and Grundskatan Site 78, were in evi- 
dence at Hut C on Stora Fjaderagg, and are seen at other huts on the island as well. The circular 
features, combined with the oral history regarding Lapp settlers on Holmon and Saami traditions 
in rope- and net making, make the island a key locale in this analysis of coastal Saami culture in 
Vasterbotten. 

Comparative Analysis of the Osteological Material (by Jan Stora) 
Harp Seal Populations 

Earlier analyses have shown that prehistoric harp seals in the Baltic exhibited a smaller body 
size than extant ones from the Atlantic (Stora and Ericson 2004; Stora and Lougas 2005). Due 
to the high level of fragmentation it has been difficult to document osteometric data from Stora 
Fjaderagg. The (greatest) diagonal breadth of pars mastoideus of two temporal bones (42.7 and 37.15 
mm) are the only measurements providing information on the sizes of the harp seals. One of the 
elements comes from a rather large adult individual, in fact larger than most individuals from the 



HutBl 1660t70BP 
HntB2 1235±315BP 
HilD niOtl45BP 
Hut A lOIStlOOBP 
HutC 95St75BP 




aXJOCalBC KlOOCalBC GilBC/CalAD laXtalAD 2000QilAD 
Calibrated date 




12(XralAD l4(KK:aIAD 16()0CalAD ISIXKTalAD 2(K)()CalAD 
C'dibrated dale 



Figure ii}. Calibrated dates of huts at Sites p-p. Below, calibrated date of hut 
by Gamla Hamnen. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



113 



Stora Fjaderagg Hut B. Level of epiphyseal fusion of finger- and toebones in 

seals 



Ph 2 post 
Ph 1 post 
Ph1 ant 




0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 





Ph1 ant 


Ph 1 post 


Ph 2 post 


□ Unfused 


2 


48 


27 


min fusion 




1 




■ Fused 


8 


157 


133 



■ Fused in In fusion □ Unfused 



Figure 114. Level of epiphyseal fiision of finger and toe bones in seals. The unfiised elements most probably derive 
from sub-adult seals while the fused bones come from adult seals (Aging according to Stord 2001a). 



Size distribution of Bronze Age, Iron Age harp seals from the Baltic and 
extant adult harp seals from the Atlantic 




31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 
(Greatest) diagonal breadth of pars mastoideus (mm) 

Q] Bronze Age ■Iron Age □ Stora Fjaderagg Modern adult 

Figure 315. Size comparison of two temporal bones (37-15 and 42.'/ mm ) from Stora Fjaderagg with bones from the 
Aland Islands and Estonia, and extant harp seals from the Atlantic (Modified from Stord and Lougas 200^). 



Bronze Age and Iron Age. The size nevertheless corresponds to that of the smallest adults of 
extant harp seals from the Atlantic. A small temporal bone from Stora Fjaderagg probably de- 
rives from a sub-adult individual. Approximately 31% of the material by weight could be identi- 
fied as to species or class of animals. Bones from ringed seals {Phoca hispida), harp seals {Phoca 



114 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 43. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species by weight (g). Material 
in soil sannples excluded. 

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL 

Ringed seal 10.41 8.82 19.23 

Harp seal 22.31 0.44 54.74 77.49 

Indeterminate seal 2018.24 26.62 510.06 2554.92 

Cattle 2.7 2.7 

Large ungulate 1.82 22.28 24.1 

Sheep/goat 0.42 0.42 

Indeterminate duck 0.15 0.15 

Bird 0.2 0.2 

Bird? 0.27 0.27 

Indeterminate 6020.74 4 6024.74 

Total 8074.56 60.86 568.8 8704.22 



Table 44. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined species, NISP (indeterminate 
fragments not counted). Material in soil samples excluded. 

SPECIES BURNED UNBURNED CHARRED TOTAL 

Ringed seal 4 3 7 

Harp seal 9 17 17 

Indeterminate seal 3574 16 623 4213 

Cattle 1 1 

Large ungulate 12 3 

Sheep/goat 1 1 

Indet. duck 1 1 

Bird 1 1 

Bird? 2 2 

Total 3593 23 630 4246 



groenlandica) and indeterminate seals (Phoca sp.) by far dominate the material, together with 
solitary occurrences of cattle (Bos taunis), sheep/goat [Ovis aries/Capra hircus) and bird bones. 

There are only minor differences in the species compositions among the burned, charred 
and unburned bones. Some bones could be identified as to class of animals or group of animals 
only. The bones identified as large ungulates may originate from moose (Alces alces), cattle or 
reindeer (Bos taurus, Rangifer tamndus). The possibility of horse (Equus caballus) can, with some 
certainty, be excluded. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



115 



SPECIES 



Harp seal 
Ringed seal 
Seal sp. 
Sheep/goat 
Large ungulate 
Indeterminate duck 
Bird 
Bird? 

Indeterminate 
Total 



The osteological analysis of 
the finds from Stora Fjaderagg has 
given new insights into the activities 
at these coastal sites. This is the first 
time that harp seal has been iden- 
tified at such a location, and this is 
rather surprising. Previously, only 
ringed seals have been identified 
on sites this far north dating to Late 
Iron Age or Medieval period. Ethno- 
graphic records shovv? that the ringed 
seal was also important in historic 
times, together with gray seal (Hali- 
choerus grypus). The latter species is 
surprisingly rare in archaeological 
records from the Bothnian Sea and 
the Bay of Bothnia (see Ekman and 
Iregren 1984; Ukkonen 2002). At 
present, it seems that the hunting for 
gray seals has a rather recent history. 

The discovery of harp seals 
from Stora Fjaderagg is chrono- 
logically one of the youngest in the 
Bothnian Sea. In the most compre- 
hensive survey of faunal remains 
from archaeological sites in north- 
ern Sweden published in 1984, no 
finds of harp seal were reported 
(Ekman and Iregren 1984). How- 
ever, harp seal bones were later 
identified at other sites. Some finds ■ 
of harp seals have, for example, 
been reported from the Neolithic 
sites of Lillberget in Norrbotten (Halen 1994; Wal- 
lander 1992) and Bjurselet in Vasterbotten (Lepik- 
saar 1975), and in recent years the species has been 
identified at several coastal sites in the southern 
(and middle) coastal areas of the Bothnian Sea, i.e. 
Bjastamon in Angermanland (Olson et al. 2008) 
and Frakenronningen in Gastrikland (Holm 
2006). The harp seal is very common in coastal 
site refuse faunas dating to the Neolithic period in 
the Baltic Sea (e.g. Stora and Ericson 2004). 



Table 45. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined burned bones 
by species, NISP (indeterminate fragments not 
counted). 



HUT A HUT B HUT D TOTAL 



9 
4 

3474 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

271 + 
3764+ 



98 



98 



9 
4 

3574 
1 
1 
1 
1 
2 

271 + 
3864+ 



Table 46. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined unburned 
bones by species, NISP. 



SPECIES 



HUT B 



OLD HARBOR 



TOTAL 



Harp seal 
Ringed seal 
Seal sp. 
Cattle 

Large ungulate 
Total 



1 

3 

15 
1 

20 



1 
3 
16 
1 
2 

23 



Table 47. Stora Fjaderagg: Combined 
charred bones by species, NISP. 



SPECIES 



HUT B 



Harp seal 
Seal sp. 
Undetermined 

Total 



7 
623 
5 

635 



116 



CHAPTER 5 



The number of finds of harp seal in the Baltic decreases after the Neolithic Period. New 
studies suggest, however, that the species may have been present in the region more recently. Two 
sub-fossil harp seal skeletons on the Finnish West Coast of the Bothnian Bay have been radiocar- 
bon dated to the Bronze Age (Ukkonen 2002). Another find of harp seal in Finland was recovered 
in a cairn dating to the Early Iron Age (Makivuoti 1986). More numerous finds in archaeological 
contexts have also been reported in the Baltic. Iron Age finds of the harp seal have been reported 
from the Aland Islands, the Estonian Islands, the Islands of Gotland, Oland and Bornholm (Stora 
and Lougas 2005 and references therein). The finds from Stora Fjaderagg are contemporary with 
these finds. The size of one adult harp seal at Stora Fjaderagg is amongst the largest found com- 
pared with other Iron Age harp seals from the Baltic. The finds from Stora Fjaderagg provide 
some support that remnants of large Neolithic Period harp seal populations were still present in 
different areas of the Baltic Sea during the Late Iron Age. 

The uniqueness of the harp seal finds at Stora Fjaderagg makes it difficult to generalize about 
hunting patterns. The harp seal is obviously the most common seal found in Hut B. The minimum 
number of individuals for ringed seals is two. However, the minimum number of seals of all spe- 
cies in Hut B is at least 21. In contrast to the most often solitary ringed seal, the harp seal is both 
migratory and gregarious. It breeds in late winter/early spring and is unable to keep breathing holes 
open in fast ice. This latter behavior is similar to that of the gray seal. The behavioral patterns of 
the harp seal are rather different from those of the ringed seal and in Neolithic times hunting pat- 
terns differed for the two species (Stora 2001b). The behavioral patterns almost certainly affected 
hunting strategies during the Iron Age, but unfortunately it has not been possible to pinpoint sea- 
sonality using only the seal bones from Stora Fjaderagg. If behavioral patterns of the harp seal are 
considered, the most suitable period for hunting would have been during periods with open water, 
the summer and fall. The harp seals in Hut B were found together with bones of a duck; the latter 
would have also been in the area during the warmer seasons of the year. 

Whether the Stora Fjaderagg find is unique remains to be seen. Hut B is in several respects 
different from other studied hut structures of similar date and in corresponding locations. The 
presence of harp seal is certainly significant and the amount of faunal remains in Hut B exceeds 
that of all the other examined hut structures (e.g. Stora and Broadbent 2001). It appears that not 
all body parts of the seals were transported to Hut B. Bones from the rear flippers clearly dominate 
the assemblage. Interestingly enough, the meat of the flippers has often been considered the tasti- 
est by hunters, and sometimes even the only edible parts of seals. At Stora Fjaderagg there was 
an obvious preference for rear flippers, while the front flippers were uncommon. Hut D on Stora 
Fjaderagg shows a similar (although not as obvious) preference for the same anatomical parts as 
that seen in Hut B. 

The vertebral column is also fairly well represented, especially among the charred remains. 
Due to the level of fragmentation it has not been possible to estimate the minimum number of 
anatomical units for the different sections of the vertebral column (cervical, thoracic, lumbar and 
caudal). It is possible that the different regions of the vertebral column are not represented in 
similar proportions in Hut B. Due to the high level of fragmentation, most fragments have been 
identified as indeterminate vertebrae only. Considering a complete seal, it would be expected that 
thoracic vertebrae would be best represented. Also noteworthy is the fact that most vertebral frag- 
ments, identified to a specific region, are caudal vertebrae and cervical vertebrae also seem to be 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



117 



well represented. The second cervical vertebra, the axis, is represented by at least lo individuals. 
Thoracic and lumbar vertebrae are not absent, but they appear to be underrepresented by com- 
parison with the caudal and cervical regions. The few fragments of ribs at Stora Fjaderagg are an 
indication that this was the case, as the ribs are anatomically associated with thoracic vertebrae. 
It is also possible that rib fragments are rare because this part of the seal not was processed in 
Hut B. Indeed, the caudal vertebrae and rear flippers may have been be connected if the rear body 
parts of the seals were handled as a single unit. 

It seems plausible that only parts of seals were brought to Hut B for preparation and consump- 
tion. The character of the cut marks from slaughter indicates rather crude methods for partition- 
ing the body parts. The anatomical parts of seals that are missing in Hut B (as compared with the 
numbers of rear flippers), are the crania, front extremities and front flippers, thoracic vertebrae, ribs 
and rear extremities; these parts were taken somewhere else. The missing parts at Hut B roughly 
comprise the articulated trunk. One aspect that needs more attention is a possible bias in preserva- 
tion. The burned fragments exhibit a clear dominance of bones from the rear flippers, while the 
charred fragments were dominated by vertebral fragments. This indicates that the vertebrae were 
subjected to a lower level of burning. Many vertebral fragments are burned, but the proportion of 
charred fragments is higher as compared to other anatomical units. The few unburned fragments 
came from several different anatomical regions, but they are too few to highlight further. The lower 
level of burning of vertebrae may also be because they were more deeply embedded in soft tissue 
than the more superficial bones, e.g. the toe bones of the rear flippers. If the vertebrae (and other 
more embedded bones) were not burned to the same extent as the rear flippers, this could mean 
these bones are underrepresented. This possibility has to be taken into account, but most probably 



Stora Fjaderagg, Hut B. Anatomical representation for seals, NISP 



2000 
1600 
1200 
800 
400 





> O 

o 



0) 
O) 

ni 
o 

Si 

S 



X 

i_ 
re 
o 



<3> 
O. 

a. 



a. 
a. 



ns 
<i> 



Q. 

a. 

1 = 

U. (Q 
0) 



re 
o 

T3 

o 

E 
re 

(0 
0) 



c 
o 



□ Burned (N=3487)Q] Unburned (N=19)H Charred (N=630) 



Figure ii6. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B. NISP. 
118 CHAPTER 5 



Stora Fjaderagg, Hut B. Anatomical representation for seals by weight (g) 
1400 1 




□ Burned (201 8.82g) □Unburned (34.22g) ■ Charred (564.80g) 



Figure iiy. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B, by weight (g). 



Stora Fjaderagg, anatomical representation for seal, MAU 



Stora Fjaderagg 
D (N=6) 



Stora Fjaderagg 
B (N=39) 




I 



-I 1 \ \ \ 

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 

■ Cranium □! Front extremity Q] Front flipper 

B Rear extremity QRear flipper 

Figure ii8. Anatomical representation of seal bones in Hut B and Hut D according to minimum 
anatomical units. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



119 



cannot explain the observed patterns of anatomical representation for seals at Stora Fjaderagg. The 
absence of finger bones from the fore flippers cannot be explained in this manner. The finger bones 
(and also the cranial bones) were not embedded in thick layers of soft tissue. 

The faunal material from Hut B has highlighted the complicated taphonomic history of this 
kind of assemblage. It is obviously one of the more intriguing faunal assemblages from such a 
location and time period. It is of interest that there are differences in anatomical representation in 
Hut B between the hearth and the floor area. This has some implications regarding the character of 
carcass utilization. If the archaeological excavations had targeted either the floor area or the hearth, 
the results would have been different. Additionally, the analysis has shown that it is important to 
relate the faunal remains as closely as possible to the overall find context. 

To conclude, the faunal assemblage from Stora Fjaderagg Island has provided new insights 
on a number of issues: 

1) For the first time harp seal (Phoca groenlandica) has been identified in such a location and 
time period this far north. The ringed seal is not the most common species in Hut B, in- 
dicating that seal hunting patterns during the Iron Age may have been more varied than 
previously believed. 

2) The amount of faunal remains in Hut B exceeds that of any other previously analyzed 
coastal hut structure. Hut B contains the body parts from at least 21 different seals indi- 
cating a planned utilization of the seals and use of the hut structure. The meat of the 60 
anatomical regions identified in Hut B would have been a considerable food resource. 

3) The anatomical representation of seals indicates that selected body parts were brought to 
Hut B for specific processing and probably consumption. The large parts of the seals that 
are missing in Hut B indicate strategies beyond immediate use. The missing parts of the 21 




Figure iig. Three-dimensional rendition of Snoan Island with radiocarbon dates. 



120 CHAPTER 5 



SNOAN 




Figure 120. Map of Snoan Island, 
Umea Municipality. Vasterbotten. 
Investigated areas indicated by 
rectangles. 



SITE 49 




individuals represent a considerable amount of meat, 
blubber and skins. 

4) Differences in anatomical representation in the find 
contexts of Hut B indicate spatial organization. The 
differences observed between the burned and charred 
bones, as well as the differences between the hearth 
and the floor, have been established for a rather large 
faunal material. This suggests a repeated behavioral 
pattern inside the hut. 

5) All of the above indicates that Hut B must be regarded 
as a rather permanent structure in a well-organized 
hunting complex. The activities that produced this 
faunal assemblage were also well planned. Stora 
Fjaderagg contains many kinds of material remains 
indicative of the importance of the island over a long 
time period of time. 

Snoan Island 

Snoan Island is outermost in the Snoan archipelago at 63° 29' N, 
20° 53' E, and is ca. 7 km from the mainland. The island consists 
of two parallel glacial ridges and is arrowhead shaped (Figures 
119, 120). It measures 2.8 km in length, 0.9 km in width, and 
rises up to 17 m above sea level. Snoan Island was surveyed by 
the National Heritage Board in 1981 and an excellent account 
of this work was published by Lofgren and Olsson (1983). Five 
locales with huts, eight labyrinths and an equal number of 




Figure 121. Map of Site 49. 



Figure 122. Photo oj Hut B with distinctive hearth, facing east. 
EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



121 



compass roses were recorded. The main hut con- 
centration of some 50 structures hes above the 
8 m curve within an area of 650 x 100 m (Site 
49). The first historical account/map of the island 
dates to 1646. The name was written as Snodan 
and means "barren." Nine fishing sheds and a 
chapel were recorded in 1821 and there was culti- 
vatable land in the central part of the island. 

The goal of my investigation was to obtain 
charcoal for radiocarbon dates, animal bones 
and artifacts from different shoreline eleva- 
tions. Two huts were investigated at the 10-15 
m elevation, Site 49. Extensive mapping was 
undertaken at Sites 53 and 92, which are Late 
Medieval fishing harbors between 3-8 m above 
present sea level. Two dates were obtained from 
a Russian Oven at the 5 m level, and two dates 
were obtained from a hut by a harbor basin at 
the 3-5 m levels. 

Site 49 

These oval huts form a cluster of features near the 
highest part of the island. Fourteen huts cluster 
above the 10 m level (Figure 121). Five of the huts 
face west, three east, one north and two south. 
Nine of the huts have hearths. Hut 49A measures 
7x8m and has an inner measurement of 5 x 6 
m. The entrance is 2-3 m wide. Hut 49B has the 
same measurements. Hut 49B has a large built- 
up hearth measuring 2x3m that nearly fills the 
floor (Figure 122). Charcoal was recovered from 
Hut 49B and dated: (Ua-1323), 255±ioo B.P. This 
recent date suggests that the hearth was contami- 
nated by later re-use. One artifact was found, a 
white-gray burned flint piece measuring 22 x 
15 mm. Hut 49A (Ua-1322) rendered a date of 
1150+100 B.P. (A.D. cal. 775-988), which is con- 
sistent with its elevation. Burned bone was found 
in both huts. In Hut A, a large ungulate was iden- 
tified. In Hut B seal and hare bones were identi- 
fied. There was only 16 g of bone from the two 
huts, including those of a large ungulate (moose 
or reindeer), two rear flipper bones, including one 



Table 48. Stor-Rebben: Bones in Huts A 
and B. 



SPECIES 



HUT A HUT B TOTAL 



Seal 2 2 

Large ungulate 1 1 

Hare 1 1 

Indeterminate. 64-I-* 64* 

Total 65+* 3 68* 
* not all small fragments counted 



labyrinth (1538) 



c::c 



SITE 92 



8 m E7^'" 
1 C boathouses 



3 m 



• net drying 
• .• i cairns 



bog 



I 



Huts Q 

U . 



t 

N 



5 m 



8 m 



3 m 

I 

\ 



2 









Q c(3i"Russian Oven" 

>^ fiire-cracked 25 
\ * rocks — — 



2.75 m (threshold) 

\ 

m 



Figure 323. Map of fishing harbor, Site 92. 



122 



CHAPTER 5 



SITE 53 




Figure 324. Map of fishing harbor area. Site 53. 



tiit49A llSOtlOOH' 
Hut 53A 735±120BP 
Oven92B47aiS)5BP 
Hut 53B 445tl05BP 
Oven92A43Qt95H' 




CaBQCMAD 500CalAD KXiralAD ISOOCalAD 2000CalAD 
Calibrated date 



Figure 125. Calibrated dates from Sndaii Island. 



harbor shows them to pre-date the Russian invasions. The 
labyrinth dates to A.D. i538±35. Sjoberg measured Hchen g 
that dated them to A.D. 1388-1816 (Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990:295) 



from an adult seal, and an adult 
hare. Although this is a small 
sample, this pattern is most simi- 
lar to that of Grundskatan. 

Site 92 

Site Area II is located in the cen- 
ter of the island and by a narrow 
former inlet. Numerous features 
lie on the west side of the inlet 
and follow the 5 m elevation 
(Figure 123). The entrance to the 
inlet has a threshold of 2.75 m 
above sea level, which means it 
could not have been used after 
ca. 1700. The stone features 
consist of U-shaped stone struc- 
tures that open toward the for- 
mer inlet. They were probably 
boat slips and it is possible they 
once had boat houses attached to 
them. There are also many small 
cairns that supported posts for 
drying nets. A number of small 
hut-like shelters, fire-cracked 
rocks and a Russian Oven were 
found as well. Two radiocar- 
bon dates were obtained for the 
oven:. (St. 11902): 43o±95 B.P. 
(A.D. cal. 1413-1630) and (St. 
11903) 47o±95 B.P. (A.D. cal. 
1320-1618). These are among 
the few radiocarbon-dated Rus- 
sian Ovens in the region and 
their association with a fishing 
5 m level dates to ca. A.D. 1450 and the 
rowth on seven labyrinths on the island 



Site 53 

Site 53 is a complex of small net-drying post cairns, hut-like enclosures, boat slips, a labyrinth and a 
compass rose (Figure 124). This site (Area III) follows the 3-5 m elevation and had probably replaced 
Site 93 when it became too shallow. Two features were sampled for charcoal and rendered two dates. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



123 



Feature A, situated at 5-6 m above sea level, is a hut and produced one radiocarbon date: St. 11904) 
735+120 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1167-1392). Feature B, located just above the 3.0 m shoreline, and rendered 
(St. 11905) 445±i05 B.P. (A.D. cal. 1401-1631). . These dates are consistent with the elevations. The 
net-drying cairns lie lower than 3.0 m and show the use of this harbor after 1600. These two har- 
bors are very similar to the harbors on Stora Fjaderagg and at Jungfruhamn. 

Conclusions 

The investigations on the Island of Snoan focused on three sites: the highest lying area, 10-15 
m.a.s.l., and two harbor sites at 5 and 3 m.a.s.l. The sealing huts date with some certainty to the 
Viking Period. It is clear that from A.D. 1300 fishing was the principal activity on the island. The 
two dates from a "Russian" Oven are a unique result and show that bread was baked on the island 
hundreds of years prior to the Russian invasions. 

Stor-Rebben Island 

Stor-Rebben Island is located in the Pitea archipelago at 65° 11' N, 21° 56' E in the County of Nor- 
rbotten, about 5 kilometers from the mainland and 90 km north of Bjuroklubb. The island is 

Figure 126. Photo of Hut A, [1 | 



looking east. 




Figure izy. Map showing investigated 



huts on Stor-Rebben Island. 




124 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 128. Ann 
Wastesson and 
Ann-Christin Nilsson 
excavating a trench 
in Hut A. In the 
background, left to 
right, the author. 
Sture Berghmd and 
Rabbe Sjoberg. Photo 
by Nils Ogren. 




Figure 129. Map of Hut A on Stor-Rebben. 













area of fire-cracked rocks: 

1 1 1 ; 1 1 


1 1 



dlJ humus 
pvl carbon 



I I sooty soil 
[o] soil sample 



4 3 2 

PI sooty, sandy soil Q sterile 



Figure ijo. Profile ofi trench through Hut A. 



rectangular in shape, 1.6 km long and 0.85 km wide. A sandy spit fans out toward the mainland 
(Figures 45, 127). According to Swedish historian Birger Steckzen the name rebben probably de- 
rives from the Saami words ruebpe or riebpe, which means a stony overgrown hill with brushy veg- 
etation. Reference is also given the term ruobba which means a rocky hilltop (Steckzen 1964:232). 
This is certainly an accurate description of Stor-Rebben Island (Figure 126). This site was chosen 
for comparative purposes and is the northernmost of these hut localities to be investigated. The 
island rises up to 17 m above sea level and dwellings are found on beach terraces at three main 
levels: 16 m, 13 m and 7 m above sea level. 

Claes Varenius had described the island in two articles in connection with archaeological 
surveys in the 1960s and 70s (Varenius 1964, 1978). He identified 27 huts, four of them double 
huts, and 11 huts with central hearths. He also recorded six labyrinths and a compass rose. Five 
of the labyrinths occur together with 3 hut groups: two of them at the 16 m level, two at the 13 m 
level and two at the 7 m level. There are four clusters of huts consisting of two to four structures 
each, just above the 16 m contour. At about the 14 m contour there are seven clusters, consisting of 
two to three huts and three labyrinths. Finally, at the 7 m level are the remains of a dwelling with 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



125 



^' labyrinth 
13.09 



N 

t 



HUTB 



13.62 



\ 

13 m 

beach 

ridge 




5 m 



labyrinth 

13.10 



^13.60 
labyrinth 



Figure iji. Map oj Hut B and three labyrinths. 

a chimney and steps. Many of these features 
have only partial walls and are obviously dis- 
turbed. The most intact dwellings with ar- 
chaeological potential, those with charcoal 
or bones, were chosen for excavation. 




Figure i}2. Excavation unit in Hut B. 




Figure Profile of the heaHh in Hut B showing two lenses. 



Hut A 

Hut A is the larger of two structures at the i6 m level. It lies in a depression between a bedrock 
outcropping and a gravel ridge (Figures 126, 128, 129,130). The hut consists of an oval foundation 
measuring 6 x 8 m with a floor area of approximately 5x6m. There are two possible entrances at 
both short ends of the construction. Although no delimited hearth was distinguished per se, the 
floor had a thick layer of charcoal and fire-cracked rocks concentrated in the middle of the floor. 
Two radiocarbon dates were obtained (St. 11910 and St. 11178): (i845±i35 B.P. and i494±7o B.P.). 
These two dates calibrate respectively to 23 B.C. to A.D. 340 (median A.D. 172) and A.D. 443 to 643 
(median A.D. 558). The first date range is the oldest radiocarbon date in the project. Against the 



126 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 134. Map oj Hut C. 



background of shoreline displacement at Stor-Rebben, and the calculated age of the 16 ni shoreline; 
the true age for the hut is probably A.D. 200-300. Old charcoal is an obvious risk, but these dates 
are not totally unreasonable. No bones could be identified from the dwelling. Carbonized seeds were 
found and identified as coming from crowberry bushes. These berries were also found in hearths at 
Grundskatan and Stora Fjaderagg. A gray flint chip was recovered, as well as 14 tiny slag fragments. 
The iron slag is the northernmost evidence of iron working. 

Hut B 

Hut B is one of two structures at 13.5 m above sea level (Figure 131). The form of these huts is 
rounded-rectangular and they have front and rear entranceways. One wall circles onto a small 
chamber that was probably a storage space. A central hearth rendered charcoal (St. 11179): i045±7o 
B.P. (A.D. cal. 880-1155). The median age is A.D. 985. The hearth displayed two ashy lenses sepa- 
rated by a sterile layer of sand (Figure 133). The radiocarbon date is from the upper level. This evi- 
dence shows that the dwelling was not used on only one occasion, and the range of dates from this 
site indicates - like the dates from Hut A - repeated use over hundreds of years. Iron slag was also 
found in this hearth, as well as a flint chip from a strike-a-light. Twenty-one bone fragments were 
recovered, but were small and unidentifiable. Three labyrinths lay within 15 m of these huts, one of 
which abuts the wall of a dwelling. As will be discussed in Chapter 10, it is not likely that the huts 
and the labyrinths were contemporary. 

Hut C 

Hut C is one of four structures situated at 13.5 m above sea level. These huts are rectangular in 
shape and three have central hearths (Figure 134). The huts have entrances through their shortest 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



127 



HutAl 1845±130BP 
HLitA2 1494t70BP 
HutB IMSfcllOBP 
HutC 945±110BP 




lOOOCalBC 



CalBC/CalAD 
Calibrated date 



lOOOCalAD 



2000CalAD 



Figure 335. Calibrated radiocarbon dates of huts on Stor-Rebben Island. 

walls and at right angles to the shore. The floor areas are 3.0 x 4.0 m. There is a small storage cairn 
in one of the walls. The hearth in the most intact of the three huts was excavated. It produced 
charcoal and 230 burned bone fragments. One bone was identified as coming from a reindeer or 
goat/sheep. The radiocarbon date (St. 11180) is: 945±iio B.P. (A.D. cal. 999-1212). The median is 
A.D. 1092. Two grey flint chips and a steatite piece with a groove and five slag pieces measuring 
10- 32 mm were found. 

HutD 

This dwelling differs completely from the others, and is of medieval or historic date. It has the 
base of a brick chimney and stairs. In addition to burned bone, there were flint fragments and 
old iron nails. A possible tripod leg of pottery was also found. The bones derived from goat/ 
sheep, reindeer and an ungulate. The 7 m elevation renders a maximum date of ca. A.D. 1200. 
This coincides with the thirteenth century colonization of the region and founding of parishes 
in Pitea (Axelson 1989). 

Chronology 

The location of this island is consistent with many other Bothnian Iron Age sealing sites, such as 
Stora Fjaderagg in Vasterbotten. Four radiocarbon dates were obtained and the period of site use 
ranges from A.D. 200 to 1200. The oldest dwellings cluster between 13 and 16 m above sea level. 
The huts are also comparable by size and 
form to the Vasterbotten material, and also 
include storage facilities and cairns. 

The frequency of labyrinths on Stor- 
Rebben is comparable to Snoan and Stora 
Fjaderagg. Unfortunately, none of them 
could be lichen dated. It is also likely that 
stones from the hut walls were used to build 
the labyrinths and this can best be seen in 
the area of Hut B. A partial hut is actually 
abutted by a labyrinth, and a second laby- 
rinth lies just below it. There is an excellent 



Table 49. Stor-Rebben: Unburned bones by 
fragment. 



SPECIES 



HUT C 



HUT D 



TOTAL 



Sheep/goat 
Reindeer 
Ungulate 
Indeterminate 

Total 



128 



CHAPTER 5 



Table 50. Stor-Rebben: Anatomical breakdown of bones. 

SHEEP/ 

ANATOMY ELEMENT GOAT REINDEER UNGULATE TOTAL 



Rib cage Costae 1 1 

Front extremity Humerus 1 1 

Rear extremity Femur 11 2 

Tibia 1 1 

Total 2 1 2 9 



example of the relationship of older prehistoric features, in this case a Bronze Age grave cairn, 
and labyrinths at the nearby mainland site of lavre. The largest lichens on the labyrinth stones 
measure 155 mm and date to A.D. cal. i299±3o (refer Chapter 10). 

Finds 

Hut A: A gray flint chip, 14 tiny slag fragments, crowberry seeds {Empetrum) 
Hut B: Iron slag, a flint chip 

Hut C: Two grey flint chips, and a steatite piece with a groove and five slag pieces measuring 10-32 mm. 
Hut D: Flint chips, as well as iron nails and a possible unglazed tripod leg of pottery. 

Gray flint chips were found in all four huts and were probably the byproducts of strike-a-lights. 
Iron slag was found in Huts A, B and C. The frequency of iron slag in these coastal huts suggests 
that iron working was a common practice. The steatite piece from Hut C could be associated with 
metallurgy, and has a parallel in a find from Site 138 at Jungfruhamn. 

Osteological Material 
The bones from the Stor-Rebben 
hearths emanate from sheep/ 
goat, reindeer and an unidenti- 
fied ungulate. All of these were 
unburned. Only one bone could 
be identified from Hut C, a hu- 
merus from an ungulate, pre- 
sumably reindeer or sheep/goat. 
The size and shape is most con- 
sistent with that of a sub-adult 
reindeer. All the rest of the iden- 
tifiable material came from Hut 
D. In Hut D, a femur of an adult 
and relatively large reindeer was 
identified together with a thigh 




Figure ij6. Map showing location of Hornslandsudde. Sites ug and i}2. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



129 



bone and a fibula of a sheep/goat. There are also rib bone fragments. It appears as though meat- 
rich body parts had been brought to the island as food. While preservation of the burned material 
is poor, it is surprising that not one seal or fish bone was identified. But, because of the location, 
sealing and fishing had to have been the primary reason for these huts. Equally remarkable are 
the finds of sheep/goat and reindeer bones. These sealers may have had brought food with them, 
although animals could have also been grazed on the islands. 

Summary 

In conclusion, Stor-Rebben is fully comparable to the other sites in the project. The island reveals 
both an older hut-based hunting economy, dating to circa A.D. 200-1100, and a younger fishing- 
based economy from ca. 1300. lolin Kraft cites some evidence that Bothnian labyrinths could 
have been associated with Saami magic, but he also noted most were associated with fishing sites 
and of younger date (Kraft 1977). The Saami place-name Rebben coincides with the oral histories 
at Stora Fjaderagg/Holmon and Hornslandsudde that identify these places as Lappish/Saami 
camps. The Stor-Rebben investigation, although limited in scope, has provided important data 
regarding the chronology, technology, economy and place-name context of these Iron Age sites, 
including the transition to the historic period. 




Figure 137. Site area based on photogrammetry (Eriksson 1975^. Investigated areas in 200^ are shown in boxes. 
The archaeological features (hut foundations) are situated between 12 and 25 m above present sea level. Huts 
were sampled at lyn. 16m. 18m. and 20m above sea level. 



130 



CHAPTER 5 



Hornslandsudde 

Hornslandsudde (Site 119) was chosen for comparative purposes and is located only about 300 
km north of Stockholm (Figure 136). The investigated region is in Gavleborg County, Hudiks- 
vall Municipality, Rogsta parish in the province of Halsingland at 61° 37'N, 17° 29' E. The site is 
located in an area of largely exposed wave-washed moraine beaches up to 25 m above sea level. 
The beaches have distinctive terrace formations. Shoreline displacement is currently 0.75 mm 
per year. Vegetation consists primarily of pine heaths with dry blueberry (vaccinium) type ground 
cover. Lichen vegetation is abundant, especially reindeer lichens, and a large herd of reindeer 
were brought to the area during the harsh winter of 2006-2007. Hornslandsudde has stands of 
very old pine showing traces of burning from a forest fire in 1888. The Hornslandsudde site was 
first published by Westberg (1964). Bjorn Ambrosiani (1971) excavated some hut foundations and 
stone alignments in 1966. Photogrammetry-based mapping was carried out in 1966 and 1973 
(Eriksson 1975). A new site survey was reported by lonsson (1985) (Figure 137). Westberg relates 
the oral history of the Hornslandsudde area as follows: 

According to tradition, which is still preserved among the older population who practiced fishing 
at Hdlick's fishing village ca 2 km west of Hornslandsudde, the dwelling sites on the point derive 
from a fishing people of Lappish (Saami) origin. (1^6/^:2^) 

It should be noted that sealing was referred to as "seal fishing" in the Bothnian region 
[sjalfiske). The place-names Lappmon and Lappmoherget (Lapp Sand and Lapp Sand Mountain) are 
very close to this site (Westberg 1964:24). Westberg identified Hornslandsudde as a historically 
documented sealing place, which is also indicated in the place-name Sjallhallorna (Seal Rocks). 
According to a map for Rogsta parish from 1799, a fishing site on Hornslandet was named Lap- 
phack. Westberg has provided an excellent overview of the history of fishing sites in the area and 
the islands of Kuggorarna, Balson and Hastholmen (Westberg 1964). The provincial law, "Hel- 
singelagen," stipulated that one-tenth of all fowl, wild game, fish, moose and bears were to be paid 
in taxes, as well as every fifteenth salmon and fifteenth pound of herring, seals and gray squirrels. 
The priest and the Church would divide this equally (Westberg 1964:36). In 1545, Gustav Vasa 
initiated taxation of all fishing on the Bothnian coast. In the late 1500s, fishermen from the newly 
founded town of Hudiksvall established many fishing places in the region, although Agon was 
an exclusive herring fishery of the highly organized Gavle (i.e., urban) fisherman. The fishing 
harbors and labyrinths dating to the 1600s and 1700s at Kuggoren and Balson are close parallels 
to those of, for example, Bjuron in Vasterbotten. Salmon and seals were caught using net systems 
on poles at a number of locations and seals were also hunted on the ice. 

The Hornsland Peninsula had formerly been an island and although some lakes provided 
freshwater fishing, agriculture was extremely marginal. Westberg suggested that this provided 
a coastal sanctuary for hunter-gatherers in an otherwise Germanic- settled region. Wennstedt 
Edvinger and I have documented several Saami circular sacrificial features on Hornslandet, one 
on Yttre Bergon that is similar to an enclosure on Stora Fjaderagg and another by Arnoviken 
(Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006). Neither was associated with harbor basins. Both sites 
are near Iron Age graves and hut areas. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



131 





Figure ijg. Excavated area in Hut 5 (Jackelyn Graham). 



Figure 1^8. Hut ^from east showing double wall-lines. 

The excavations by Ambrosiani in 1966 did not 
produce any artifacts, radiocarbon samples or osteo- 
logical results. New excavations were therefore under- 
taken in 2005 to better determine the ages of the huts 

and recover any organic remains. According to Jonsson (1985), Site 119 at Hornslandsudde has 48 hut 
foundations and some 60 stone alignments. The alignments are very distinctive long and low walls of 
stones with openings that were probably used to catch forest birds using snares. In 2005, we investi- 
gated two alignments and four hut foundations at 20 m, 18 m, 16 m and 13 m above sea level (Figure 
144). A second site area about 75 m to the east of Site 119 was also sampled. This site (Site 132) consists 
of three features: two hut floors below a rocky cliff to the north, and a circular storage cairn. They lie 
at about the 20 m elevation. Finally, 11 storage caches and cairns have been registered at the two sites. 



Feature 5, Hut 

Feature 5 is a rounded-rectangular foundation measuring ca. 3.5 x 6 m and walls measuring 0.2- 
0.3 m height (Figures 138, 139). The hut is situated at 18 m above present sea level. This hut shows 
secondary walls indicating re-use. A hearth deposit with charcoal, burned bone and slag was found 
in the middle of the floor and investigated. The hearth was ca. i m in diameter and lacked a stone 
circle or any demarcation. The hearth is less than i m in diameter and, as seen by the profiles, less 
than 20 cm deep. The soil in the hearth was brown in color and the surrounding area had differing 
shades of brown. Some charcoal was found in and around the hearth, and samples were taken for 
radiocarbon dating. An abundance of highly fragmented bones was also found within and around 
the hearth. Fire-cracked rock (ca. i liter) was also found. 



Finds 

Iron slag (120 g) 

Six red clay pieces (furnace walls) (0.6 to 1.2 cm) 
One iron fragment (i.o cm). 



132 



CHAPTER 5 



Figure 540. Trench through Feature 13 (foreground) from 
the east. (See Figure 154. j 



Figure 141. Section through connecting wall between Huts 
12-1} where ruminant tooth fragments were found. 



PHOSPHORUS 
Low 

L/M 




Medium 



Feature 12 



Feature 14 




Feature 13 



@ ® 



Osteological Material 

375 bone fragments (60 g) 

The bone material could only be identified 
as long bones from mammals. 

Chronology 

Charcoal from the deepest part of the hearth 
was radiocarbon dated, but had neverthe- 
less been contaminated: i40±40 B.P. (Beta 
217790). This error is undoubtedly due to 
the forest fire of 1888. Because of this prob- 
lem, a bone was submitted to the Svedberg 
Laboratory in Uppsala for an accelerator dat- 
ing (Ua-32857), which produced an age of 
i390±30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 623-664). 



Figure 142. Features 12-14 showing soil samples 1-21. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



133 



Conclusions 

Hut 5 dates to the seventh century, although double walls suggest it had been rebuilt. Of special 
interest is the fact that iron slag, fired clay and an iron piece, indicative of iron working, were found. 
This material is described separately, including analysis results by Andersson (2007), in Chapter 7. 



Features 12-14, Double Hut and Enclosure 

Features 12 and 13 are a double hut situated at 
16 m above sea level. Feature 12 is rectangular 
in shape and measures 3.5 x 4.5 m with walls 
0.1 to 0.2 m high. Feature 13 is approximately 
rectangular and measures 4x4m with walls 
0.3 to 0.5 m high. Feature 14 is an irregular 
enclosure with lower walls measuring 5x7m 
(Figure 142). As far as could be determined, it 
probably was an enclosure. Only slight traces 
of burning were found in the Feature 13 
hearth, not enough for a radiocarbon date. Ad- 
jacent to the hearth was a large cobble, which 
could have been used as a seat or as an anvil. 
A possible whetstone was found adjacent to it. 
A trench was run to cross-cut both hut floors 
and the wall between them (Figure 141). In ad- 
dition, the south end of the foundation, which 
protruded out about 30 cm, was sectioned 
(Figure 142). Fragments of a tooth from a ru- 
minant (sheep/goat or reindeer) were found at 
a depth of 20 cm. Hut 12 was found to have a 
much more uneven floor littered with a num- 
ber of medium-sized cobbles. A hearth was 
found up against the north wall, and this fea- 
ture was full of of iron slag and furnace clay. 
A magnet produced quantities of iron scales 
and sphericals that were by-products of iron 
smithing. In addition, a channel penetrated 
the wall on the right side of the hearth. 

Finds 

Iron slag, ca. 20, 1-5 cm (i.i kg) 
Iron scales, ca. 100, < i cm, (Gog) 

Osteological Material 

Tooth enamel from a small ruminant (sheep/ 
goat or reindeer); (numerous fragments (22g) 
from the same tooth, from maxillary). 




Figure 143. Excavation of Hut lyfrom south. 



FEATURE 25 


FEATURE 19 


N 




i [!□ test pit 

t A 










% 




e 




1 S 




1 «■ 


i 2m 


\±\ 
J e 























Figure 144. Map of sections of two stone alignments (Jacquelyn 
Graham). 



134 



CHAPTER 5 



chronology 

Two AMS dates were obtained: (Beta-209908) i57o± 40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 434-537), and (Beta- 
207939) i820±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 136-236). 

The hearth in Hut 12 was clearly used for iron working. The hearth measured ca. i m in di- 
ameter and lacked a stone circle. The channel-like opening through the wall next to the hearth was 
probably an air duct for a bellows and is a parallel to the wall opening documented at Bjuroklubb 
Site 67. No bones were preserved in the hearths of either Huts 12 or 13, although enamel from 
a ruminant tooth was found in the wall between the huts. Twenty-one soil samples taken across 
the area of these huts showed very low levels of phosphorus enrichment (0-50 P°). The only 
high phosphorus level is sample 11 from the corner of the dwelling, Hut 13. This is most likely a 
consequence of very poor preservation conditions and the shallow deposits at the site. The three 
features, 12, 13 and 14, form a unit consisting of a smithy, a dwelling/workshop and a possible 
enclosure for livestock. 




Figure i^y. Map oj Site i]2 showing Hut A. Hut B and a 
Figure 146. Site 1^2, Hut B.from southwest. cache. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



135 




Figure 149. Reconstruction of Hut B, lean-to and storage 
cairn at Site 132 (Jacquelyn Graham). 



Figure 148. Cairn by Site 132, Hut B. 



Feature 15, Hut 

Feature 15 is a rounded-rectangular hut, measur- 
ing 4x5m and with walls 0.2 m high. It is situ- 
ated at an elevation of 12.5 m above present sea 
level. Hut 15 was trenched across its midline in 
order to expose the hearth (Figure 143). A shallow 

ashy deposit was subsequently found in the center of the floor. An additional i.o x 0.50 m unit 
was excavated to expose this feature. The trench was dug down to 35 cm below the surface across 
the floor. Only tiny bone chips and small carbon pieces were found in this hut. Even this carbon 
sample (Beta 210237) proved to be contaminated: 26o±7o B.P.. This hut was examined because of 
its elevation above the 12 m shoreline. No animal bone was obtained for analysis. It is the lowest- 
lying dwelling we investigated and is adjacent to the area of stone alignments. 



Features 19 and 25, Stone Alignments 

Ten soil samples were collected beneath cairns along two stone alignments. Features 19 and 25 (Fig- 
ure 144). All the phosphorus samples were low (0-50 P°). Potassium levels, suggestive of burning, 
were high in all the test pits. This probably reflects the forest fire that had burned over the area in 
1888. No reliable charcoal samples were obtained. 



Site 132 

Two hut floors with small hearths and a storage cairn lie approximately 75 m to the northeast of 
the main hut site. The elevation is ca. 20 m above present sea level. According to a footnote in the 
survey records from 1982, a local informant believed these were connected with the military signal 
station that had been established nearby in World War II. Both huts, although not overgrown with 
lichens or vegetation, had small hearths with charcoal that could be collected among the loose 
beach stones. Burned animal bone was found in Hut B. Hut A, the smaller of the two huts, is lo- 
cated up against an outcropping and is bounded on the west by a wave-washed cobble beach. This 



136 



CHAPTER 5 




Figure 250. Cache #4 next to bedrock outcrop, from south. Figure 253. Cache #1 in wave-washed moraine field, from west. 




hut measures ca. 4 x 4 m and contains a 
hearth (Figures 145-147). Charcoal was 
submitted for analysis but was only par- 
tially carbonized and was the by-product 
of later site use. This proved to be the case 
(Beta-217789): 210+40 B.P. Hut B is larger 
than, and located to the south of, Hut A. h 
measures ca. 6 x 4 m. The northern walls 
for both huts are bedrock/boulder outcrop- 
pings. The stones from Hut B form a pat- 
tern suggesting that two structures had 
stood there. One is an ovoid form with a 
cleared floor surface and was probably a 
bent-frame hut. The hearth was outside of 
this hut and up against the boulder. A sec- 
ond line of stones marks the line of a pos- 
sible lean-to (Figure 149). An open cairn 



measuring ca. 2 x 2 m in diameter lies 

Figure 252. Map of cache locations, Sites iig and i}2. 





Hut 12a 182at40BP ^M^^ 

Hut 12b 1570±40BP -•l^- 

Huts 139aJ30BP ^ 

Hut 132B 113(M)BP ^ 

1 , < < < 1 , , , < 1 , , , , 1 , , < < 




500CalBC CalBOCalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalAD 
CalibiBted date 



Figure 253. Calibrated dates from 
Hornslandsudde. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



137 



ca. 3 m to the south of Hut B. Its proximity to the dwelhngs impHes that it had served for storage 
and is interpreted as a meat cache. 

Chronology 

Charcoal was found in Hut B (Beta-210238) and dated to: 1130 ±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 881-980). 
Osteological Material 

Hut B also contained bones that were found to be the proximal epiphysis of the second metatarsal 
bone from a large seal, probably a gray or harp seal, and a long bone fragment. 

Site 132 dates to the Viking Period. The seal bone found in Hut B is consistent with the inter- 
pretation of the site as a place for marine hunting. The cairn is interpreted as a storage cairn. This 
locale was well protected from winds and had good access to the former shoreline. 

Caches 

Five small stone caches were identified at the foot of a rocky outcropping less than 10 m to the north 
of the upper dwelling area (Huts 1-5) (Figures 150-152). These features appear as small pits and 
niches by the bedrock outcrop. A larger and deeper cache was found in a boulder field (Cache #1) 
in an area 60 m to the east of Hut 5. This well-constructed cache measured i.o to 1.5 m across and 
was 1.2 m deep. Additional caches were also documented on the site. 




MunsL-il Sol! Culoi: 

Ml = lOyr'Tvl Gray 

M2 - l()yr/6/6 Brownish Yellow 

M.i - !()yr/7/l l ight Gray 

V14 - lOyr/5/2 Grayish Brown 

M5 - lOyivfi/I Light Brownish Gray 

M6 = IOyr/5/1 Gray 

M7 = l()yr/5'2 Grayish Brown 

MS - 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Brown 




N 

t 



w 



Profile A 




Profile B 



1 1 



s = Slag 
® ^ Carbon Sample - 20cm 



3,5 Liters of 
Fire Cracked Rock 




Wall 



Floor 



Wall 



Figure 154. Map of excavation of Huts 12-1] at Homslandsudde. Site iig (Jacquelyn Graham). 



138 



CHAPTER 5 



Summary and Discussion 

The results of the investigation show that the oldest huts at Site 119 date to the Early Iron Age. Site 
132 dates to the Viking Period. Most of the bones recovered appear to be seal bone, although this 
material is very fragmentary. The identification of an adult gray or harp seal at Site 132 is interest- 
ing and corresponds to finds from the island of Stora Fjaderagg in Vasterbotten. This suggests 
open-water hunting. 

The huts are similar in size and form to the Vasterbotten material. Width is fairly uniform, 
3-5 m, and length, 3-8 m, is more variable. The huts lie in roughly four groups ranging between 
12-25 ^ above sea level and form loose clusters aligned parallel with the shorelines and facing 
south and south/southeast. Seven huts cluster along the 12 m level, four to five huts at the 14 m 
level, seven to nine huts at the 16 m level, five to seven huts at the 17 m level and two to five huts at 
the 20 m level and higher. It is not certain that the highest lying features are the oldest; net drying 
post cairns at the highest elevations suggest medieval or historic fishing. 

Site 132, Hut B, consists of three elements: a small hut, a hearth outside of the hut and a wind- 
break. Near the hut is a storage cache. A reconstruction gives an impression of what this dwelling 
site looked like (Figure 149). The distinctive storage caches are another close parallel to the Vaster- 
botten material. Some caches are adjacent to huts while others could have been more communal. 
The numerous stone alignments run at right angles to the shoreline and have been interpreted by 
others as net-drying features or boat slips (cf Westberg 1964:28). While these lines extend from 
8 to 17 m above sea level, they lie in an area west of the main hut clusters and are not necessarily 
contemporary with them. Two stone alignments (19, 25) were sampled, but unfortunately the forest 
fire in 1888 left carbon over the whole site surface, thus contaminating superficial cultural layers. 
Soil samples indicate high levels of potassium on the site, probably a reflection of this fire. 

There are many similarities to the Vasterbotten region sites by chronology, function, cluster- 
ing, storage, and even by ritual (cf Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006). On this basis, this 
archaeological material, together with the place-name evidence, speaks in favor of the theory that 
these had been hunter-gatherer (Saami) sites. But unlike Vasterbotten, there is a parallel Early Nor- 
dic Iron Age complex of house terraces, grave mounds etc. in the region (cf Liedgren 1992). These 
settlements in Rogsta parish were situated ca. 15 km to the north and above the 15 m level. Interest- 
ingly enough, this complex seems to have disappeared around A.D. 600. This raises the fascinating 
issue of the co-existence of two groups in the region, one a hunter-gatherer/herding/trading group 
of Saami and the other an agrarian-based/trading Germanic community. The Saami may even have 
been especially drawn to this region because of Germanic settlement, and offered their hunting and 
healing skills and even specialized iron working. Conversely, the two groups could have occupied 
different ecological niches in the coastal zone with long-term Saami interactions in two familiar 
forms forms, first as hunter-gatherers and later as reindeer herders, but were probably also living 
in ways analogous to the Germanic farmers and fishermen. 



EXCAVATIONS AND ANALYSES 



139 





25 




20 


c 




15 


re 




> 

0) 


10 


LU 






5 












♦ ♦ ♦ 



♦ ♦ 



500 1000 1500 

Median date AD. 



2000 



Figure J55. Diagram illustrating the elevations of radiocarbon dates on the Bothnian shores and the gap between 
Iron Age sealing sites and medieval fisheries. 



Chronology and Culture 



This chapter provides an overview of the radiocarbon and AMS dates from huts between 20 m 
and 3 m above sea level. As noted earlier, this material encompasses 31 huts at 9 locales and 
12 elevations. This sampling facilitates comparisons at different elevations above sea level at 
the same locales and comparisons between regions. There are five major questions: 

1) When were these huts first used? 

2) When were these huts last used.-* 

3) Were there differences between regions? 

4) What is the chronological relationship between the sealers' huts and medieval fisheries? 

5) Are there patterns of use reflecting economic or environmental cycles? 

Although one standard deviation (68% probability) was used for the descriptions of individual 
site dates, the following analysis is based on two standard deviations (95% probabilities) of 44 dates. 

Source Criticism 

There is always a risk that samples have been contaminated by old wood or recent forest fires. 
Charcoal analysis has indicated that pine was the most common fuel, although birch and alder 
were also burned. The Hornslandsudde site area has stands of some of the oldest pines in Sweden, 
and even dry pine branches can be several hundred years old. This said, elevations above sea level 
can be used to reject dates that are clearly older than their contemporary shorelines. There are 
only two potential dates in this latter category: Stor-Rebben Ai and lungfruhamn C, although they 
still fall within one standard deviation of their elevation dates. They are therefore considered as 
probable. In the case of Hornslandsudde, the shoreline association of Hut 12 is confirmed by the 
fact that the slag found in the hearth had been water-rolled (Andersson 2007). Two recent dates 
were obtained from carbon samples collected in 2004 from the partially disturbed cairn in Hut 4 
at Grundskatan. These are so recent they must be rejected. A sample that was improperly stored 
from Snoan 49B is also suspect, but is perhaps evidence that the hearth had been re-used during 
historic times. Three dates from Huts 5, 15 and 132A at Hornslandsudde were clearly contaminated 
by recent forest fires and unusable. Finally, due to the earlier limitations on charcoal amounts 
necessary for dates, some results have very large standard deviations, namely Stora Fjaderagg B 



141 



(±315), Grundskatan 14 (±185) and Grundskatan 15 (±245). These are not terribly useful except 
within the framework of the material as a whole. A related question is whether or not the huts had 
been built no more than 1-2 m higher than their contemporary shorelines. This depended on the 
topography of each site, but a correlation coefficient of 0.73 between elevation and date shows that 
this assumption is largely true. 

While radiocarbon dates have a high correlation with elevation dates, the re-occupation of 
older hut areas during the tenth and eleventh centuries is also evident. Huts from this period lie 
as much as 20 m above sea level. Huts by harbor basins are much more shore-bound, as can be 
expected, although these huts can also lie on higher ground. For instance, a hut dating to the sev- 
enteenth century on Stora Fjaderagg Island lies 5 m higher than the harbor basin at Gamla Ham- 
nen. In spite of these concerns, consistent results have been obtained from different localities and 
elevations along the transect 

Site Comparisons 

The individual calibrated dates were sorted by increments for each site in order to see how they were 
spatially distributed (Table 51). This does not show how many dates were obtained at a given site, 
but which time periods are represented. Three periods dominate: A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600 
and A.D. 800-1000. Together these horizons comprise 81% of the total. 

Looking at the material as a whole (Figure 156), the dates appear to cluster in four succes- 
sive steps. The oldest cluster ranges from 1845 to 1660 B.P. The next cluster is from 1570 to 1390 
B.P., the third is from 1300 to iiio B.P and the fourth is from 1045 to 880 B.P. The weighted 
averages of these clusters and their ranges within two standard deviations are shown in Table 
52. The two final age groups are separated by only 55 years and correspond to the early and late 
Viking Period. This gap is probably not significant. There is a significant gap of 170 years, how- 
ever, between the second and third groups, or between A.D. 608 and A.D. 778. Groups i and 2 
are separated by 105 years, which is also significant. These numbers support the conclusion that 
the clustering is real. 



Table 51. Chronological horizons by site. 

SITES (N-S) 100-400 400-600 600-800 800-1000 1000-1200 



Stor-Rebben 
Bjuroklubb; Site 70 
Jungfruhamn 
Grundskatan 
Stora Fjaderagg 
Snoan 

Hornslandsudde 



X 



X 



X 



X 



X 



X 
X 
X 
X 
X 



X 



X 



X 
X 
X 
X 
X 
X 
X 



X 



X 



19% 



29% 



10% 



33% 



10% 



142 



CHAPTER 6 



Stor-RebbenAl lS45j4 03BP ■ 
Homsktbudde 12a 1820±40BP- 

JungftuhannC 17iatl2§BP 

StauFjackragiBl 1660t70BP 
Hm^kuickidct 12b 157(MBP 
QiDTdstoT3a ISOOtlOOBP 
Stor-RebbenA2 14)5±70BP 
Bjuroklubb67 1485i:70BP 
Hmislancbiidde 5a 139ftt3(BP 
Ju^iilTami B 130Qtl3()BP 
JLn¥Ji\iliamiA2 12iat50BP 
Gruicfekatan3b 120St70BP 
aunciskatanl3c 120CWOBP 
Gruiicbkatan 1 1 ll75tl(X)BP 
Cfuxfekatan 1 lieOtDBP 
Sn6an49A ILSitiaBP 
Hon-Blanckidcie 132b ll3ftbttBP 
StoraFjaderaggD lllOtWSBP 
Q\in(bkata]i4c 1080*45 BP 
StoraFjaderaggA 1015tl00BP 
Stor-RebbenC 99StllOBP 
StoraFjadera^C 955t75BP 
Quixfekatan 13b 88(M0BP 




lOOOCkBC 5(XX:alBCCalBC/CalAD500CalAD lOOOCaJAD 1500CalAD 2000QilAD 
Calibrated date 



Figure 256. Representative sample 0/24 dates in order from the oldest (top) to the youngest. 
The dates form a step-like progression. 



Table 52. Clusters of hut dates (weighted averages). 
C-14 CLUSTERS AVERAGES (2 S.D.) 

1) 1845-1660 B.P. 1776±33B.P. A.D. 134-334 

2) 1570-1390 B.P. 1513±26 B.P. A.D. 439-608 

3) 1300-1110 B.P. 1175±20B.P. A.D. 778-941 

4) 1045-880 B.P. 979±30 B.P. A.D. 996-1154 



CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE 



The Start Dates 

The luimbers of dates by century show that this form of hut-based seahng began in the early second 
century A.D., had a peak in the sixth century, a sUght decUne in the seventh and eighth centuries, 
reached its greatest peaks in the ninth through eleventh centuries, and declined sharply in the 
twelfth century. 



The End Dates 

The youngest dates at the five main sites 
range between 1130 and 880 B.P. One 
of the Grundskatan dates has a large 
standard deviation, but even discount- 
ing this, four dates calibrate to the thir- 
teenth century at the latest. The year 
A.D. 1279 (discounting St. 11174) can 
be taken as the best measure with 95% 
probability for the terminus ad quern of 
this North Bothnian hunting system. 
The difficulties of obtaining uncontam- 
inated dates at Hornslandsudde have led 
to only one date from this latter period. 




Figure 157. Numbers of dates of Bothnian sealing huts (median values of 
calibrated dates). 



Summary and Discussion 

Hut-based Bothnian sealing began in the late first or early second century A.D. and all sites had 
been abandoned by A.D. 1279, although most sites came into disuse in the late twelfth century. 
Comparisons along the north to south transect show the same occupation trends. There are few 
differences between sites or between regions; they were part of the same phenomenon. Clusters of 
radiocarbon dates fall into three main periods: A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600 and A.D. 800-1000. 
There were peaks in the sixth and the ninth through eleventh centuries A.D., and declines in the 
seventh and the late thirteenth centuries A.D. that correspond to widespread settlement regressions 
in the Nordic region and the Little Ice Age. 

The Stalo hut sites in alpine areas of Sweden and Norway (Manker i960; Kjellstrom 1974; 
Storli 1991; Mulk 1994; Bergstol 2004; Liedgren et al. 2007; Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008) 



Table 53. End dates of the sealing sites. 
SITE DATES 



RANGES (2 S.D. 



Stor-Rebben 

Jungfruhamn 

Grundskatan 

Grundskatan 

Stora Fjaderagg 

Hornslandsudde 



945±110 B.P. (St.11180) 
985±70 B.P. (St.lll76) 
1000±185 B.P. (St.lll74) 
880±80 B.P. (St.lll72) 
1015+100 B.P. (St.lll81) 
1130±40 B.P. (Beta-210238) 



A.D. 886-1278 
A.D. 885-1214 
A.D. 656-1305 
A.D. 1013-1279 
A.D. 788-1221 
A.D. 779-994 



144 



CHAPTER 6 



offer interesting parallels to the Bothnian sealing sites. Both were based on the specialized exploi- 
tation of marginal environments. The ecology of the alpine regions is remarkably similar to the 
outer coasts, especially in regard to vegetation. The Stalo huts are found from the Tornetrask area 
of northernmost Sweden to Frostviken in Jamtland in South Lapland. There are some 500 regis- 
tered huts in Sweden, about the same number as the Bothnian huts. They vary in size and shape 
from oval to rectangular and often occur in clusters of three to seven sod foundations, frequently 
aligned in straight or bowed lines. Bone caches, hearths and pits are common. Their hearths are 
often indistinct but can have a passjo/boassjo stone by the hearth. There are few artifacts, mostly 
flint or quartz chips, whetstones and iron slag. These huts were associated with seasonal reindeer 
hunting and/or herding, although some appear to be more permanent. Radiocarbon dates have 
ranged from A.D. 400-1600, but a recent source-critical analysis of 22 huts at 12 sites shows them 
to mostly date to A.D. 640-1180 (Liedgren et al. 2007). These dates overlap with the main period of 
the Bothnian huts and were probably results of the same historical and economic processes affect- 
ing larger regions of the Nordic North. Radiocarbon dates of oval and rectangular Saami hearths in 
the forest lands of Southern Lapland add a further dimension to this discussion (Hedman 2003). 
These date to as early as A.D. i, but mostly date to the Viking Period. They were associated with 
Saami kata/goahte huts or tents. Rock-filled hearths were associated with the more permanent katas. 
These hearths occur in alignments of up to 10 hearths, probably accumulations of two to three 
tents or huts at a time representing sijddas, or family hunting groups (Bergman 1991; Bergman and 
Liedgren et al. 2008). During the Viking Period there was a change in site locales from the river 
valleys, where they coincide with Stone Age sites and finds of asbestos pottery and transverse-based 
projectiles, to reindeer grazing areas by bogs, springs, streams and small lakes. This is interpreted 
as a change from a hunting-, gathering- and fishing economy to a semi-nomadic herding economy, 
and a shift from collective to individual forms of property and animal ownership (Hedman 2003; 
Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008). There are a number of artifacts with parallels in Saami offer 
sites, including coins, hack silver and weights. There is also iron slag indicative of forging (Hedman 
2003:161-189). While these finds confirm the associations of the hearths with Saami metal offer 
sites, the hearths did not disappear in the fourteenth century, but instead increased in numbers. 
This can mean only one thing: Saami population density increased in the interior. This is probably 
the beginnings of larger winter villages as described by Tegengren for Kemi Lapmark (cf Tegen- 
gren 1952; Bergman 1991; Mulk 1994)- 

This material reflects a number of trends of relevance to the North Bothnian coastal mate- 
rial. The first is the fact that this manifestation of Saami settlement within the sijdda system goes 
back to A.D. i, and that this pattern coincides with Stone and Early Metal Age settlements, which 
is reflective of long-term continuity. The second is the expansion of this system, including linear 
alignments of hearths that relate reindeer pastoralism, trade and the accumulation of wealth during 
the period A.D. 700-1100. And lastly, there was an increase in hearth density in the interior from 
A.D. 1300. As discussed in the following chapters, these patterns are a result of larger-scale changes 
in the Nordic region relating to state formation. 

What Do the Artifacts Tell Us? 

Inga Serning (1956, i960) has discussed the Iron Age artifact material of Upper Norrland within the 
context of Saami offer sites and these studies constitute major points of reference for understanding 



CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE 



145 



coastal chronology. Inger Zachrisson (1984) has published additional material in this Iron Age con- 
text, as has Thomas Wallerstrom (2000), Lillian Rathje (2001) and Sven-Donald Hedman (2003). 
Coastal artifacts from the period before A.D. 600, including the Storkage find (that can be an offer 
site) from ca. A.D. 350 and the Javre grave find, a wheel-shaped ornament from a grave cairn in 
southern coastal Norrbotten (Broadbent 1982:154-255), are mostly of East Baltic, Finnish or central 
Russian (Volga-Kama) origin. 

The chronology of the Germanic longhouse settlement at Gene at the northern limit of Ger- 
manic settlement on the Bothnian coast shows it was occupied continuously from ca. A.D. 100/200 
to 500/600. This settlement was abandoned around 500/600 along with a widespread regression in 
the cultural landscape, which is also seen in north and southwest Norway, the islands of Oland and 
Gotland, Ostergotland and the Malar Valley (Ramqvist 1983:194). In Medelpad and in Halsingland 
(and the Hornsland region), there is an almost identical pattern with farmsteads from the second 
century A.D. (Broadbent 1985) and widespread settlement and landscape abandonment at ca. A.D. 
600. Although the region still had farmsteads, population did not rebound until Late Viking and 
medieval times, A.D. 1100-1300 (Liedgren 1992:191-219). Trade was intense during the Early Iron 
Age especially when the Germanic chiefdoms of the Mid-Nordic region (Angermanland, Medelpad, 
Jamtland, Trondelag and Osterbotten) reached their peak. This trade brought Roman goods north- 
ward and trapping pits were dug by the thousands in the interior to harvest reindeer and moose 
(Selinge 1974; Spang 1997). 

Artifacts dating to A.D. 800-900 that are of Scandinavian origin are few in number in the 
northern coastal zone, but a pair of round brooches was found in a grave containing the bones of 
an adult and a child at Obbola near Umea. These objects derived from southern Scandinavia but 
the use of these types in pairs was more of a Finnish custom and the grave form is typical of the 
Vasterbotten coastland. A contemporary find from a grave from Luopa in Osterbotten contained 
buttons/bells of the same types found on Stora Fjaderagg Island (Christiansson 1969:197-210). 

During the period A.D. looo-iioo, the artifacts were mostly of eastern origin. This is also 
the main period of the Saami metal offer/deposition sites in the interior. As offerings, these beauti- 
ful and rare objects sanctified the relationships of northern peoples to their own gods, and to the 
Nordic gods, when this seemed expedient. The 1200s mark a major change and Western European 
finds became more common, presumably because of German (Hanseatic) trade. The 1300s were the 
effective end of the metal offerings, although some sites contain objects from later periods (Serning 
i960: 67-94: Zachrisson 1984:119). 

The main period of Bothnian seal hunting sites conforms well to the main period of the 
metal offer sites and the Stalo huts, ca. A.D. 800-1100, and declines at the same time, ca. A.D. 
1250-1350. The coastal connection to the enormous geography of Saami trade, including the goods 
found in Saami graves throughout the Nordic North and in local graves on the Bothnian coast, 
entails that Bothnian seal hunting must be viewed in the same super-regional context. Most au- 
thors (e.g., Serning 1956, Fjellstrom 1985, Hansson and Olsen 2004) have related the changes in 
eastern and western trade items to middlemen from Finnish Karelia, Russian Novgorod, Birka and 
Sigtuna in Sweden, Gotland until 1361 (when Gotland fell to the Danes), the rise of Hansa fish- 
eries, particularly through mercantile centers such as Bergen and Vagen in Norway, and the fur 
market in Tornea on the Finnish border. Lars-Ivar Hansen (1990) and Thomas Wallerstrom (1995, 
2000) have expanded the documentation of these historically known forces in northern trade and 



146 



CHAPTER 6 



mercantilism, including hack silver, a primitive from of currency. Hack silver and part of a scale 
were found at the Saami offer site of Unna Saiva (Serning 1956). These middlemen groups were 
undoubtedly important, but Serning proposed a different perspective. She suggested that the Lapps, 
"who had lived by Lake Ladoga and on the shores of the White Sea and far down in southernmost 
Finland with all the natural connections to the east from whence many of these objects came, had 
surely passed trade goods directly from Lappish to Lappish hands" (Serning 1956:105). Serning also 
discussed the circumpolar shamanistic context of this material, including evidence of Saami drums 
during the Viking Period. The fact of the matter is that the east-west bands of metal artifacts and 
metal offer sites in northern Sweden track along the same valleys and eskers as sites from earlier 
periods (cf. Figure 192). The constellations of objects, technologies and ideologies are remarkably 
parallel to those of the Stone and Bronze Ages, including connections to Finland, the Baltic and 
southern and central Russia. In other words, this network and redistribution pattern of goods and 
social obligations was not new but had been an established network among local societies for hun- 
dreds if not thousands of years. 

The chronological results from the Bothnian coast add an entirely new dimension to the nar- 
rative of the Saami trade: direct and independent involvement by the North Bothnian Saami now 
seems highly probable. The rise to power of Finnish/ Kvennish and other middlemen and tribute 
collectors is actually one reason why the coastal Saami sites were abandoned, as argued by Steckzen 
(1964), not the other way around. But the political power of emerging states and the consolidation 
of that power through the Christian Church are what ultimately changed the balance of trade and 
social relations. Grundberg (2006) describes this as the Europeanization of the north. According 
to resilience theory, the thirteenth century was a period of release of social, cultural and economic 
capital, and the fourteenth century was the reorganization of these northern societies into the 
forms we have today. This convergence of social, political, religious, economic, epidemiological and 
climatic factors made this one of the major turning points in North European history. This further 
entailed the formation of new polities within Saami society itself, and new sources of internal com- 
petition for limited resources. 

The Medieval Transition 

An important question is that of the relationship between the establishment of the North Both- 
nian fishing sites and the abandonment of the seal hunting sites. While they occupy completely 
different places in the coastal landscape, they probably overlapped in time. Although I have previ- 
ously argued that the sealing sites were largely abandoned by then (Broadbent 2006), there was a 
transition of sorts between these two kinds of economies. The dates of harbors on Snoan and Stora 
Fjaderagg indicate that these were established during the period A.D. 1200-1300. This agrees 
with the chronology of other harbors and centers along the Bothnian coast, in particular the har- 
bors of Kyrkesviken in Angermanland (A.D. 1220-1300), Saint Olafs hamn in Halsingland (A.D. 
1300-1620) and Kyrkudden in Norrbotten (A.D. 1300-1620) (Grundberg 2001, 2006). Another 
interesting aspect of this medieval material concerns the labyrinths that were closely associated 
with fishing sites. The lichenometric datings obtained in the project bracket them into the time 
period A.D. 1300-1850. The labyrinths and compass roses on Stora Fjaderagg Island date to A.D. 
1456-1660. The lichen-dated labyrinths from Snoan Island date to A.D. 1388-1816 (Broadbent 
and Sjoberg 1990). 



CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE 



147 



30 1000BP 

Q, 

R' 800BP 



8" 

ID 

Q. 

rD 

rD 

I 

O' 
3 



600BP 



400BP 



200BP 



OBP 



-200BP 



mndskatan 13ii 



3A 



lOOOCalAD 



oleS 



mm ISnSan ! 
'Srt6ah 92B 




ISOOCalAD 
Calibrated date 



2000CalAD 



Figure 15S. Graphic distributions (2 s.d.) of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan. a 
farmstead locale and a Saami hearth from Bjurdklithb. 





rnnvkkatan HR SSQi^^ORP ^Ali^^ 

Bole 1 760i40BP 

SmanS^A 'R'ytVmP • 

Bole 2 61 li35BP 

Snoan92A 47ftt95RP ■ ^ ' 

Snoan92B 430±95BP ^ nii^. 

Oinii Hamien ^IfttlOSRP A 

Oval Hearth (Site 67) 230i40BP ^ — A 

_i_ 1 1 ■ 1 ■ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 




CalBQCalAD 500CalAD lOOOCalAD 1500CalAD 2000Ca]AD 

Cahlxated date 



Figure 359. Calibrated dates (2 s.d.) of the latest sealing hut at Grundskatan, the Bole farmstead site, Gamla 
Hamnen on Stora Fjaderdgg Island and a Saami hearth on Bjurdklubb. 



CHAPTER 6 



The youngest date from Grimdskatan 13 statistically overlaps the oldest harbor date from 
Snoan Island. Rathje (2001, 2005) excavated farmsteads with brick fireplaces and field stones at 
Bole in Lovanger in Vasterbotten and obtained three dates that are shown in Figure 159. They 
overlap with Snoan 53A. The place-name evidence also speaks in favor of this interpretation. The 
frequency of "Lapp" place-names on the coast is presented in Chapter 9. Even the oral histories of 
places like Holmon and Hornslandsudde speak of the Saami transition to permanent farmsteads 
and probably to fishing (cf Sandstrom 1988). 

Cycles of Change 

The material presented here shows cyclical changes, and although it is not possible to relate these 
variations solely to temperature, the fluctuations in sealing sites coincide with global and European 
climate and environmental cycles. The cold and wet Sub-Atlantic period at 600 B.C. ended about 
A.D. 270, which is a Global Climate Boundary according to Lamb (1977). Erom A.D. 270 to 450, 
the global climate became warmer and drier and between A.D. 600 and 690 the climate cooled 
considerably (Lamb 1977; Stuiver and Kra 1986; Denton and Karlen 1973). This was marked by 
agrarian settlement regressions throughout the Nordic region. The climate started warming again 
in the eighth century and reached a maximum (the Medieval Warm Period) around A.D. 1100-1150, 
but it started to cool by A.D. 1200. It also became wetter and glaciers started expanding, as did sea 
ice around Iceland (Granlund 1932; Lamb 1977; Stuiver and Kra 1986). The Little Ice Age (LIA) 
began around A.D. 1300 and lasted until 1850. Starting in 1315, there were widespread crop failures 
and famines in Europe. Erom 1300-1350, fishing replaced cereal crops as the main food source 
in Iceland, and 1408 was the last record of Norse settlement in Greenland (Grove 1988; Eagen 
2001). Warmer and more stable temperatures certainly facilitated farming and animal husbandry, 
and lessened ice conditions may have created exceptional opportunities for sealing. The finds of 
harp seals on Stora Ejaderagg show that such was the case during the Viking Period. Other ice- 
dependent seals, such as the ringed seal, may have been highly concentrated in near-shore areas. 
The Bothnian hut sites were, nevertheless, completely abandoned in the late thirteenth century with 
the onset of the LIA. Using tax records, Kvist (1988:89) has documented the dramatic declines in 
Bothnian sealing during even later LIA periods in Osterbotten. As in Iceland, fishing became much 
more important than farming and the Church mandated fish as a necessary part of household 
economy. Eor many Saami, reindeer herding took on new significance, and the colder climate was 
probably in their favor; as for the Christianized Saami/Swedish coastal settlers of Norrland, fishing 
likewise gained in importance. 



CHRONOLOGY AND CULTURE 



149 



HORNS. SNOAN STORAF. GRUND. /BJUR./JUNGF. STOR-R 

A.D. 




Figure 160. Chronology oj Bothnian sealing huts. 



The Archaeological Roadmap 



Architecture 

Bothnian hut foundations occur in a variety of forms and varied configurations. Except for huts 
with iron forges, hearths were centrally placed. These fireplaces often have one or more larger 
cobbles near them, but are generally without stone fillings or rings. Huts without hearths were 
probably not dwellings and were rather used for storage of equipment, food supplies, etc. A special 
type of hut measuring on average 3x3m has been interpreted as a shed and is usually found near 
dwellings. They are comparable in size to get-kdtas (goat huts) among the Forest Lapps of Sweden 
(Manker 1968:204; Stoor 1991). These small huts lack hearths but have doors and were intended to 
keep animals warm and safe from predators at night (Figure 163). A sample of 61 dwelling floors 
on the coast indicates that floor size varied between 3.5 and 6.1 m in length and between 2.9 and 
5.0 m in width. Mean length is A^rj+o.'yj m and mean width is 3.73+0.47 m. Length was more vari- 
able than width (Figure 161). This is logical as structural size could be most easily expanded on 
either short end, as opposed to broadening width (cf. Liedgren et al. 2007). In only one instance 
has a posthole been identified and this was too small to have been a roof support. The roof and 
wall supports therefore probably consisted of internal frames lodged against or set into the stone 
foundations. Except for the smallest temporary dwellings that might have had skin coverings, walls 
and roofs were probably constructed of timber, grass sod, skins, birch bark and combinations of 
these materials. Drift timber was readily available on the coasts because of the continuous outflow 
of rivers through the forested interior and into the Gulf of Bothnia. The use of timber in construc- 
tions has been documented very early in coastal Finland (cf Ranta 2002) and in northern Sweden 
at sites such as Lillberget (4200 B.C.) in coastal Norrbotten (Halen 1994). Timber huts are also 
well documented among the Forest Saami (Manker 1968). It must be assumed that this building 
tradition has a long indigenous history in northern Sweden. 

Bothnian coastal foundations range in shape from round to oval, and square to rectangular. 
When viewed in terms of the elevations above sea level, the oval forms are the highest lying, and 
their antiquity is borne out by the radiocarbon dates from Stora Fjaderagg, Stor-Rebben, Horn- 
slandsudde and on Bjuron (A.D. 200-600). The oval huts are, nevertheless, found at all levels. 
Rectangular and square foundations are not as frequent at the highest elevations and are most 
commonly found at levels dating to A.D. 700-1200. There is a greater variety of forms after A.D. 
700, including "inverted Gs", row houses and dwellings with internal chambers, platforms, porches 
or lean-tos. Row houses consist of both rectilinear and curved-wall constructions with up to nine 



151 




Figure 161. Lengths and widths of Bothnian huts. 



ROUND/OVAL SQUARE/RECTANGULAR 



100 

200 
300 
400 
500 
600 
700 
800 

900 
1000 
1100 
1200 



ADcal 
(1 sd) 



Figure 162. Hut form by calibrated radiocarbon date. 
The oval/round huts and the rectilinear huts overlap by 
chronology and are often found together Tlie oldest lying 
huts are oval inform and their antiquity is confirmed 
by radiocarbon chronology. Tlxe rectilinear huts were 
most common during the Viking Period. Tent rings are 
fixquently found at the lowest levels. 




Figure i6j. Saami goat hut used to keep both goats and reindeer 
safe during the night (Manker ig68). Several foundations for 
these small huts were documented at the Grundskatan site, one of 
which was attached to a storage cairn with a central chamber 

separate rooms (Figure 160). A final category of 
dwelling is that marked by simple stone circles 
with evidence of hearths (tent rings). These circles 
are also found at higher elevations but are most 
frequent below the 10 m elevation. Following in- 
terpretations from North Norway, oval and round 
huts are of Saami design, whereas the rectilinear 
constructions could be the result of interactions 
with non-Saami. Grydeland has characterized the 
shift from oval to square dwellings as the transi- 
tion from a hunter-gatherer/pastoralist economy 
to a farmstead/fishing economy at Kvaenangen 
in North Norway, a fjord with three coastal siidas. 
These changes occurred during the period A.D. 
1200-1700. The settlements nevertheless go back 




Figure 164. (clockwise from left) Saami hut with cattle in North Norway (Leem iy6y); coastal hut foundations at Kvceangen, 
North Norway (Grydeland 2001:2^); Saami fishing village of sod huts on Kildin Island, Kola Peninsula (Jan Huyghen 
Linschoten 1594-1595)- 



to A.D. 700 (Grydeland 2001:65). These huts are very similar to the North Bothnian huts, including 
the inverted "G" forms (Grydeland 2001:25) (Figure 164). Odner (1992, fig. 47) has documented 
similar kinds of forms and arrangements of dwellings in Varanger that are contemporary with the 
Bothnian sites. Sheep/goat bones have also been dated to A.D. 1000 in Varanger (Schanche 2000), 
and comparable settlements have been documented by Andersen farther south at Ofoten dating to 
the Late Iron Age. Even the cultivation of barley has been demonstrated at Ofoten (Andersen 1992: 
Hansen and Olsen 2004:197). Grydeland (2001:61) has seen this change in hut forms as a shift 
from collective to individual property ownership, a change that was formalized by the church and 
state, and there are even implications regarding gender relations; women lost status, and there were 
dramatic population increases. 

Site Structure 

Since North Bothnian coastal features were constructed over a long period of time, some dwellings 
and areas were inevitably re-used. In spite of this, rough clusters of structures are still visible at the 
same elevation levels. Although somewhat impressionistic, the huts can be grouped into shore-level 
clusters at the larger sites. 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



153 



1) At Stor-Rebben there are clusters at ca. 13 m and 16 m. 

2) At Hornslandsudde there are clusters at ca. 12.5 m, 14.5 m, 16 m, 18 m and 20 m. 

3) At Stora Fjaderagg Island there are clusters at ca. 11 m, 13 m, 15 m and 20 m. 

4) At Grundskatan there are clusters at ca. 12 m, 14 m and 15 m. 

At Stor-Rebben there are four clusters of two to three huts at the 16 m level and six clusters of 
two to three huts down to the 13 m level. At Grundskatan there are five groups of five to seven dwell- 
ings; at Stora Fjaderagg there are five clusters of five to nine huts each, and at Hornslandsudde there 
are five to six clusters of two to nine huts at each level (Figures 165-167). While there is good reason 
to believe that these clusters represent repeated visits over time, the overall pattern suggests that 
they consisted of contemporary household groups of 15-25 people. A cluster of three to five house- 
holds was probably the norm and this is, in fact, the most commonly seen number of huts at the 
smallest locales (cf Figure 168). Some of these dwellings could have also been occupied year-round, 
such as Hut B on Stora Fjaderagg Island. Based on the organization of historically known sealing 
expeditions in the North Bothnian region, each hunting team consisted of the male members of 
households, and the teams ranged in size from five to eight households. In the fall and winter, 
teams of up to eight men in two boats would use 20-30 nets for catching ringed seals (Hamalainen 
1930). Saami seal hunting on the Kola Peninsula, salmon fishing on the Tana River in North Nor- 
way and even bear hunts were similarly organized (cf Fellman 1906; Ekman 1910:252; Grydeland 
2001:79). Collective efforts can also be assumed regarding the use of trapping pit systems on land 
that required a good deal of labor to dig and maintain. As will be discussed regarding tax records 
from the sixteenth century and the organization of church towns in northern Sweden (Chapter 9), 
this clustering offers a blueprint of territorial organization as well. 




GRUNDSKATAN 



o 



'.cO -e 5-7 



Figure 165. Clustering of huts at Grundskatan. 



■LABYRINTH'' (fjg) ' 

5-7 




"GOAT" HUTS „„ 



154 



CHAPTER 7 




Figure 166. Clustering oj huts at Stora Fjdderagg. Square indicates area of circular features. 




Figure i6j. Clustering of huts at Hornslandsudde. Numerous stone aUgnments lie at right angles to the 
shorelines in the center and southwest comer of the mapped area. 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



155 




caim 



/ 



Figure 168. A small cluster of dwellings, 
middens and associated features dating 
to the period A.D. cal. 800-1200 at the 
Grundskatan site. This constellation 
corresponds to the Saami sijdda, a group of 
households living and working together. 



Storage and Surplus 

Storage pits were identified at all sites. They range from small 
lined pits in hut floors to chambers measuring a meter or more 
across. Large cairns or pits were observed near dwellings at 
most sites, often with piles of stones that had been removed to 
empty them and to subsequently cover supplies or foodstuffs. 
The largest of these cairns were documented at the Grundska- 
tan site. They consist of stone constructions measuring up to 4 
m in diameter and run in a line between two clusters of dwell- 
ings (Figures 85, 86). These types of arrangements can be as- 
sumed to have been communal facilities. A large well-made 
pit in a moraine boulder field between Sites 119 and 132 at 
Hornslandsudde was also probably a shared storage facility of 
this kind (Figuie 169). Historic Saami storage features are well 
known and consist of above-ground structures, earth cellars, 
cairns and stone chambers used for storage of milk products, 
fish and meat (Manker 1968:203; Ruong 1969:128-130; Val- 
tonen 2006:64-74). There were 
also different types of wooden 
constructions, including small 
huts, as well as out-buildings 
and sheds. Foundations of these 
types of sheds or storehouses, 
huts without hearths, are com- 
mon on the Bothnian sites. 
While reindeer domestication 
has been given great significance 
regarding northern societies, the 
significance of storage has been 
little discussed. Both activities 
in many respects represent the 
same goal of securing and con- 
trolling the distribution of re- 
sources. The environment itself 
was a storehouse for immedi- 
ate returns and pastoralism was 
"storage on the hoof." Caches rep- 
resent the social appropriation of these resources (Ingold 1983). Storage can consist of household 
supplies, emergency stores and fixed-point storage, but larger depots imply community investments. 
Caches are thus important expressions of shared social space, access and distribution. They are a 
form of "resource husbandry." Storage also fosters sedentism and was a precondition for trade and 
the integration of local hunter-gatherer societies into wider systems of exchange and redistribution 
(Ingold 1983). Collective hunting and storage efforts further generated a need for leadership and 




Figure 269. Reconstruction of site complex near Site 70 on Bjuron. 



156 



CHAPTER 7 



coordination. The abundance of large and small storage facilities at the Bothnian sealing sites should 
therefore be considered as one of the most significant socio-economic indicators at these locales. The 
osteological results from Stora Fjaderagg show that large numbers of seals were taken and processed 
beyond immediate consumption needs. A substantial pit (measuring lo x 12 m) at Grundskatan 
(Figure 9) is interpreted as a large-scale blubber-rendering basin analogous to those known from the 
White Sea region (cf Tegengren 1965). Taken together with the dwellings, the caches and blubber- 
rendering pits are evidence of the extensive exploitation of resources and the appropriation of these 
resources by local communities for systematic intercourse with the outside world. 

Corrals and Fences 

Stone alignments were documented at Site 70 and Grundskatan on Bjuron, on Stora Fjaderagg and 
at Hornslandsudde (Figures 84, 106, 142, 169). These walls were all attached to dwellings or were 
near to them and bear a resemblance to the field, corral and pasture walls (Swedish stenstrangar) 
known from Gotland, Southwest Norway and elsewhere (cf Lindqvist 1968; lV[yhrei972; Carlsson 
1979). Phosphate testing of these features at Grundskatan and Hornslandsudde did not reveal any 
enrichment as compared with surrounding areas; in fact at Grundskatan there were higher val- 
ues outside the enclosure. Based on ethnographic accounts of Saami settlements, fences could be 
erected as corrals, as well as to keep reindeer off huts and out of garden plots (Ruong 1969:130; Kjell- 
strom 2000:88). They were also used for milking and as temporary holding (marking) compounds. 
Obviously, most of these were seasonal hunting sites and not suited as permanent farmsteads, but 
they do reveal the existence of animal husbandry in the region, and place-names provide valuable 
clues as to where the more permanent settlements were located. Unfortunately, the likelihood of 
actually finding preserved wooden structures and fences is small but not impossible in boggy areas. 




Figure, lyo. Various possible hut forms and constructions at Grundskatan: (A) sod construction, 

(B) beam and timber construction. (C) bent-frame construction. (D) timber storehouse, (E) goat hut, 

(F) corral/fence. (G) stone cache. (H) meat rack. Based on KjeUstrom (20oo:8S-u'^). 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



157 



Seals, Seasonality and Animal Husbandry 

The finds of animal bones and teeth from the individual sites are presented in Chapter 5. From this 
material it is possible to discern general patterns relating to seasonality, hunting and animal hus- 
bandry. Preservation conditions were very poor and varied considerably from site to site, therefore 
this material only represents what happened to be preserved in hearths rather than what may have 
been a much more varied array of activities. Based on the numbers of identified specimens (NISP), 
a total of 4,539 bones were identified from two species of seals, a brown bear, sheep/goat, reindeer, 
cattle, hare, ducks, birds and large ungulates, probably moose. Ninety-eight percent of the bones 
are from seals. Of these, only 3% could be identified to species: 52% were from harp seals, which 
were found at two sites, and 48% from ringed seals, which were found at three sites. The harp seal 
bones were mostly from Hut B on Stora Fjaderagg Island. This material has been discussed in detail 
by Ian Stora in Chapter 5. His conclusions are: i) North Bothnian sealing during the Iron Age was 
more varied than previously believed, and 2) Hut B has to be regarded as a more or less permanent 
structure in a well-organized hunting complex. 

Seal bones were found at all sites except Stor-Rebben, which can only be explained as the 
result of poor preservation. The seal bones display considerable variability as regards anatomical 
representation in different huts. Of 4,439 bones, 34% derived from the cranium, vertebrae and rib 
cage, and 55% were from the extremities, particularly the flippers. The latter are often considered to 
be delicacies by seal hunters. The best-preserved seal bones from Stora Fjaderagg Hut B also show 
selectivity within the dwelling and that large numbers of seals were processed elsewhere. This sug- 
gests that the bones from the hearths represent "disposable meals" tossed into hearths, rather than 
what may have been prepared in other ways. Ringed seals are known to have been hunted on the ice 
of late winter, although there is also ample evidence that these smaller seals were caught using nets 
in the dark fall months. Seal skins, blubber and meat were of the best quality during this time of 
year. Female ringed seals fast in the spring, and unless the goal was to obtain their cubs, they were 
thin and generally sank quickly. Until firearms were used, ice hunting of ringed seals focused on 
single breathing holes, required great patience and skill, and the use of dogs to find them in pressure 
ridges. It can be assumed that this species of seal was hunted during both the fall and the spring, 
but seal netting in the fall was more efficient and rewarding. The age determinations of the seal 
bones indicate mostly adults and sub-adults, consistent with seal netting, but this can be biased as 
younger individuals would not have been as well preserved. Harp seals do not breed in fast ice and 
are considered an open-water species that was hunted in the summer or fall (Stora 2001b). 

Eighteen bones of birds were found at three sites, two of which are from ducks. These ani- 
mals were probably killed during the summer or fall. Finds of hare bone suggest winter hunting, as 
they were most easily trapped in the snow (Kjellstrom 1995:55, 212-273). Bones of larger ungulates, 
moose or reindeer, were foiuid in several hearths and can reflect fall or late winter hunting. On the 
whole, the seals, birds and small mammals indicate site use during the late winter, spring, sum- 
mer and fall. The bear bones derived from one individual, and based on what is known about bear 
hunting, this animal was most likely killed in late winter (Zachrisson and Iregren 1974:79-83). 
Some dwellings had apparently been occupied year-round. In spite of this, not one fish bone was 
identified from any site. 

Seventeen bones and one tooth fragment derive from large and small ungulates (cattle, sheep/ 
goat, reindeer and moose). These bones were found at five different sites from the northernmost to 



158 



CHAPTER 7 



Table 54. Finds and dates of domesticated animals. 



SITE 



LATITUDE 



FIND 



DATE (B.P.) 



Stor-Rebben A,B 
Jungfruhamn, A,B 
Stora Fjaderagg B 
Hornslandsudde 13 



65°N 
64°N 
63°N 
6rN 



reindeer/sheep/goat 
sheep/goat 
sheep/goat, cattle 
ruminant (tooth) 



945±110 B.P. 

985±70 B.P., 1210±50 B.P., 1300±130 B.P. 
1560±70 BP, 1235±315 B.P. 
1820±40 B.P., 1570±40 B.P. 



the southernmost locales. The presence of domesticated animals agrees with the evidence that there 
were livestock enclosures of some kind associated with the dwellings. The anatomical representa- 
tion of these bones shows that 94% derived from meat-rich cuts, primarily the legs. This can mean 
that meat was brought to the sites for consumption rather than having been slaughtered there. The 
evidence of corrals and the place-names relating to reindeer corrals in the coastal region suggests 
that these animals had not been kept on sealing sites as sources of meat, rather as sources of milk 
products or possibly even as transport animals. Islands are also ideal places for keeping livestock; 
there was access to good fodder, including reindeer lichens, and the animals could never roam 
far from the settlements. This practice was used extensively by northern farmers who routinely 
transported their animals to islands during fishing seasons. Evidence of heavy grazing can still be 
observed on Stora Fjaderagg Island. 

As a general conclusion, sealing was the main focus of these sites during both the spring 
and fall hunting and netting seasons. These activities were probably organized by households from 
local communities. The presence of domesticated animals suggests that there were more than men 
living at these settlements. The hunting and processing activities were relatively large-scale and well 
organized. Flotation of hearth soils from two huts at Grundskatan revealed that berries had been 
collected, including raspberries, bilberries, blueberries, crowberries and bearberries. Additionally, 
goosefoot and stitchwort were identified. These finds are clear proof of late summer-fall activities. 
This is further evidence that women were present on these sites and all of these plants are known 
to have been used by the Saami (Viklund 2005). 

Place-Name Evidence of Reindeer Husbandry 

The frequency of place-names referring to remdeer husbandry in coastal Vasterbotten is both note- 
worthy and useful from the archaeological perspective. As early as the 1940s Holm (1949:143-145) 
had drawn attention to the Lovanger parish place-names Rengdrdtsjdrn (Reindeer Corral Lake) and 
Rengdrdsmyr (Reindeer Corral Bog) and commented on the frequency of the place-name rerigdrd 
in the region. He quoted Israel Ruong, a well-known Saami scholar and reindeer expert who com- 
mented, "the information that the word rengdrd occurs in the coastland is . . . of great interest, and 
implies that reindeer husbandry and its intensive Forest Saami form . . . occurred there" (Holm 
1949:145). There are, in fact, 74 place-names referring to reindeer in Skelleftea Municipality, 37 of 
which refer to rengdrd of which 16 are the place-name Rengdrdsmyren (Reindeer Corral Bog). The 
Swedish word ren means reindeer and gdrd means an enclosure, a yard or a farmyard. In this con- 
text, like the word rengdrde, it probably refers to a reindeer corral. 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



159 



Reindeer herds belonging to 
the Vindel and Ume Saami villages 
still graze in the Vasterbotten coast- 
land, including Bjuroklubb. Several 
nomadic herding routes lead directly 
to Bjuron. Cladonia rangiferina, the 
main winter fodder of reindeer, 
grovv^s abundantly on the outer coast 
and along the eskers leading there. 
Mixed small-scale intensive reindeer 
husbandry survived into historic 
times among the Forest Saami peo- 
ple in Norrbotten, Vasterbotten and 
Angermanland. These Saami were 
not nomadic and based their settled 
existence on a mixture of fishing, 
hunting and the keeping of reindeer, 
goats and even cattle (Manker 1968). 
They were speakers of the Ume Saami language in Vasterbotten. They are remarkably similar to the 
Bothnian Saami 700 years earlier, and linguistically the Ume Saami language they speak, which 
has words for seals, is hard to explain without having once extended down to the coast. Interest- 
ingly enough, Olaus Magnus' map from 1539 (Figure 7), not only shows a Saami woman milking 
a reindeer upstream from Umea, but includes the captions renaval (reindeer husbandry) and, just 
north of Lovanger, rensby (reindeer village). 

Pastoralism and Heterarchy 

The archaeological evidence has shown that the Bothnian dwellings occur in groups together with 
storage cairns and caches, fence lines and stone circles that are interpreted as ritual features. North- 
ern huts and doorways normally face south, although this varied depending on topography. On the 
coasts doorways most often faced shorelines. It should be noted that the actual cardinal directions 
of north and south, as expressed by most indigenous informants, often had more of a symbolic 
significance than a magnetic reality, however, and "north" also referred to the area behind the 
dwelling and opposite the front entrance. According to the Chukchi this orientation was important 
". . . in sacrificing, the odor of the hearth of the house standing in the wrong position might reach 
the sacrificial fire of the preceding house and taint its fire and fire-tools" (Bogoras 1909:613). 

Saami settlement clusters, sijddas, corresponded to the basic unit of most hunter- gatherers, 
the band, or a small group of nuclear families living and working together. Such a unit was mobile 
and less vulnerable than a single family and yet not large enough to overtax local fuel and game. 
The Saami sijdda was a flexible system typical of hunter-gatherer subsistence groups, although it 
was not incompatible with small-scale herding (Graburn and Strong 1975; Ingold 1978; Storli 1991). 
Annual sijdda/siida territories were roughly circular in inland areas, but changed into long rib- 
bons running parallel with the river valleys with the transition to nomadic herding (Vorren 1968). 



80 1 
70 
60 
50 H 
40 
30 
20 
10 




□ Ren 



A ll,ri-,[ljiA 



Rengard 



# .^^ J> J' J" <^ > 



Figure 171. Numbers of place-names with the prefix ren (reindeer) and 
place-names with rengard {reindeer corrals) hy municipality between 
Norrbotten and northern Ansermanland. 



160 



CHAPTER 7 



Norwegian coastal Saami siidas were more like circular inland territories and enveloped coastal 
fjords and islands (cf. Bjorklund 1985; Grydeland 200i:i8j. Numerous archaeologists have proposed 
that the Saami siida or sijdda was the basic unit of prehistoric settlement, and that the clustering 
of dwellings in the alpine and forest regions reflect this (cf Bergman 1991; Mulk 1994; Hedman 
2003). This settlement arrangement is described in detail by Mulk (1994:216-221). The dwellings 
were arranged in rows or bowed groupings of three to five huts. A "courtyard" {sjallo) lies in front of 
and to the "south" of the huts. Directly behind the huts were domestic features, such as earth ovens 
and caches, and to the north of them were offer sites. Each dwelling represents a family and two to 
five families generally lived together. These families were not necessarily related and membership 
was flexible. Larger gatherings of sijddas into winter villages, which seem to have originated in the 
sixteenth century, are called vuobme or dalvadis. Each sijdda also had its sacred ground, a mountain 
or an unusual stone called a seite, a name that probably derives from the same root as sijdda. The 
Stalo huts in the alpine regions and hearths that have been connected with Saami kdtas in the for- 
est regions of northern Sweden, Norway and Finland have been described as either single sijddas 
or groups of sijddas. Settlements in the forested interior of Finland (cf. Tanner 1929; Tegengren 
1952), as well as the coastal Saami sites of north Norway (cf Bjorklund 1985; Odner 1992; Grydeland 
2001), follow the same pattern. 

Bogoras (1909:612) described analogous settlements among the reindeer herding and mari- 
time hunting Chukchi of northeastern Siberia. The Chukchi camp usually included two to three 
families, and the whole number of inhabitants was 10-15 people. Camps of four, five or six families 
formed a slight minority, and a camp of ten houses was almost impossible except for special rea- 
sons, like the temporary camps at trading places. Bergman and Liedgren et al. (2008) have recently 
discussed the kinship and residence pattern of the Swedish alpine regions ca. A.D. 1000 with a 
particular focus on the linear alignments of huts that became quite distinctive during the period 
A.D. 640-1150. In their study of historically documented dwellings in the Arjeplog region, huts 
6.5 m in length could house up to 10 people [comparable to the large oval Bothnian huts], and the 
smallest documented hut, measuring 3.2 m in diameter, housed an elderly couple. The sijddas con- 
sisted of two to six households (Bergman and Liedgren et al. 2008:104). Although there is a clear 
understanding that sijddas were not strictly based on kinship, the authors argue that these linear 
alignments of huts were an expression of lineages under "great stress" (Bergman and Liedgren et al. 
2008:107). The stress factor is identified as the transition from hunting to pastoralism and the need 
to affirm the security of the "core social unit," the sijdda. The main forces of change were internal, 
according to the authors, although they also assign significance to trade. Comparable linear align- 
ments of huts are, in fact, described by Bogoras and these lines of huts are indeed related to herding 
(1909:612-614). Reindeer husbandry quite simply created a need for aggregating both herds and 
herders. Poor herders with only a few animals kept together for a few months and dispersed just 
as easily. Wealthy herders needed more than their family to manage their animals and distant rela- 
tives or strangers camped together with them. These huts were arranged in lines based on hierarchy. 
The "chief" of the camp was referred to as the "one in the front house" among other references, 
including "the strongest one." The other tent occupants were called "camp neighbors" or "that of 
the rear house." The eldest of the brothers, or his son, had preference over the others in this lineup. 
The position of the front house is the first on the right side of the line of houses (Bogoras 1909:613). 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



161 



The owner of the herd, or largest part of it, was in charge of the pastures, the days of slaughtering, 
ceremonies and sacrifices. This hierarchy was socially enforced as no one could join a camp without 
permission, even at temporary camps (Bogoras 1909:614). 

Comparable alignments of dwellings, and during the same time period, are seen on the North 
Bothnian coast (refer Figure 160) and can relate both to the organized labor of herding and to col- 
lective hunting (cf Tanner 1979:73-107). This was a time of exceptional prosperity within Nordic 
society. The Saami elites, "Finn-Kings," are referred to by Snorre and in other sagas, and 21 curious 
defensive Mangerom type "manors" are found along the Finnmark and Kola coasts (Fiansen and 
Olsen 2004:214-220). According to Storli (1991) and Urbariczyk (1992:213-215), there were alliances 
between Saami big men and Norse chiefs, and most relationships were mutually beneficial. The long 
lines of hearths in the interior and alpine regions of Sweden almost certainly coincide with the acqui- 
sition of wealth through intensified trade and the consolidation of labor. Metal objects were given as 
offerings at numerous locales in Swedish Lapland, and reindeer were sacrificed at hundreds of sites. 

Both Mulk (2006a) and Odner (1992) have argued that the offerings of metal objects were in- 
tended to maintain internal social solidarity by taking wealth out of circulation. This is reminiscent 
of the Bergman and Liedgren et al. (2008) argument regarding hut alignments, but as Zachrisson 
(1984:108, i987b:6i-68) has observed, these offer sites may actually have been inspired by Norse 
practices. They were expressions of alignment with the Norse gods and Norse society, not attempts 
to downplay their own social hierarchies. Their cessation might likewise relate to the eradication of 
Norse religion. CoUinder (printed in Manker 1957:51) expressed similar ideas: 

Lappish heathenism was syncretistic. It took up many Scandinavian beliefs from different times, 
perhaps as far back as the Bronze Age. As the Saami became familiar with Christianity from the 
goos and later, they borrowed from it. Much of their religion was magic, distinguished by crass 
needs, and their contacts with Christianity could have actually strengthened, but not weakened 
this in their cults. The Scandinavians were successfid and so were their cults. The Saami were 
wise to take up Scandinavian offer practices without abandoning their own. 

During the period 900-1200, many Nordic and European kings took up Christianity as a 
way of consolidating power. By the end of the tenth century, Olaf Trygvesson had converted Norway 
and vowed to put to death all that refused to accept the new faith. Vladimir had converted Russia in 
A.D. 988, and Boleslav the Brave converted Poland in A.D. 999. In Sweden, Ansgar had spread the 
faith at Birka as early as A.D. 829, but Sweden took another 300 years to become fully (more or less) 
Christian, and the Archbishop in Uppsala and the five bishops of southern Sweden were first in 
place at the end of the iioos. Erik (later Saint Erik) was martyred in Uppsala over the issue in A.D. 
1160. The Church provided the new common denominator of state formation. Needless to say, the 
Saami seemed to have largely abandoned their borrowed Norse religious practices by the thirteenth 
century because they were no longer likely to have any benefits for them, spiritually or otherwise, 
and thereafter quickly aligned with Christianity. Christian symbolism was already embedded in 
their personal adornments through trade with the west (Vagen, Bergen, Trondheim, Lofoten) and 
the east (Novgorod, Ladoga) (Urbahczyk 1992). This is, to my mind, the most plausible reason why 
the metal offer sites, which were inspired by Oden's Law in Norse religion, were so expeditiously 
abandoned. Interestingly enough, the extended hearth and hut alignments cease at the same time. 



162 



CHAPTER 7 



The bear rite's distinctive religious expression of social solidarity continued, by contrast, into the 
nineteenth century. 

Discussion 

The sijdda system was, as in most band societies, a highly flexible and resilient combination of per- 
sonal and household autonomy, as argued by Odner (1992, 2000), and social solidarity as argued 
by many authors (cf Gjessing 1955; Grydeland 2001:67). It was undoubtedly both of these things, 
however, and this suggests a heterarchy, different contemporary frameworks of social relations de- 
pending on context (Ehrenreich, Crumley and Levy 1995). The egalitarian model, while typical of 
small-scale societies, does not mean there were no differences in status and wealth (cf Zachrisson 
I997a:i44-i48). The social obligations within such a heterarchy entailed the responsibility not to 
dispose of wealth, but to redistribute it, including in the form of offerings on behalf of the com- 
munity, all of which nevertheless enhanced prestige. 

Saami society had been forged from thousands of years of spiritual and economic transac- 
tions. The diversity of their graves, perhaps more than any other archaeological manifestation, bears 
witness to this fact. The impacts of the Christian Church, by contrast, especially after joining forces 
with the Swedish state following the Reformation in the sixteenth century, were far more disrup- 
tive than the beginnings of pastoralism. This was the "end of drum time," as described by Rydving 
(1995). Sapmi itself was becoming state property. 

Nordic linguists have long speculated that the Saami acquired "packages" of knowledge, 
including terminologies, from Germanic and Karelian agrarians and metal workers. The Saami, it 
turns out, had borrowed as many as 3,000 Scandinavian words, most of which relate to skill sets. 
Ingold (2000:312-338) has reasoned that this was not technology in the modern sense, rather skills 
that were embedded in daily life. Many of the Scandinavian loan words are believed to have been 
acquired on the Norwegian coast in connection with boat building, fishing and so forth but what 
is most remarkable is how many words relate to farming and animal husbandry. These are not 
random words but whole systems of terms, including names for domestic animals, corrals, sheds, 
farms, fields, animal products and equipment. This list gives some examples of these loans (from 
Wiklund 1947:57-61; Collinder 1953:53-69): The Norse terms are set in brackets. A cow is called 
a kussa [kyr] in Saami, an ox is called a vuoksa [oxi], a calf is a called galbe [kalfr], a goat is called a 
kaihtsa [geit] and even cats are called gatto [kotta]. The same is true of agrarian byproducts: wool is 
ullo [ull], milk is mielke [mjolk], and cheese is vuosta [ostr] and so on. The word for "farm" is garde 
[gar5r], "sheep byre" is fiekse [fahus] and "field" is akkr [akr]. Even the word "tame" was probably bor- 
rowed, tames [tamr]. There are Finnish loan-words as well, such as the word for "flour," jo/fo [jauho] 
and "beer," vuola [olut]. 

Based on runic inscriptions it has been possible to document the periods during which these 
Scandinavian words were acquired. The inscriptions date this process through regular changes in 
Scandinavian "sound-laws." The oldest runic inscription in Sweden dates to about A.D. 200, the 
Roman Iron Age (Stenberger 1964:373). Altogether there are about 50 inscriptions of "Urnordic" 
(Ancient Nordic) age. There are over 3.500 rune stones in Sweden, the northernmost of which is in 
Halsingland (Brink et al. 1994). 

The first linguistic horizon used by Nordic philologists is called Primitive or Archaic Scan- 
dinavian. The theory is that if sound-laws are not observed in the loan-words, the words date to 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



163 



before these changes. The change of ai to a before "h" is seen in the runic inscriptions from the fifth 
century (Skold 1979). Another change about the same time is that of au to o before "h". An example 
of a word supposedly borrowed from Scandinavian includes sai'va meaning fresh water, water in a 
river or lake and corresponding to Old Norse sjdr, sjor (Skold 1979:108). There are as many as 500 
Archaic Scandinavian words in all Saami languages (CoUinder 1953:61). Late Archaic Scandinavian 
ended about A.D. 800 and was followed by Common Scandinavian, in which the Scandinavian 
languages are divided into western and eastern dialects. The chronology thus spans from A.D. 
200 to 800. Most scholars believe that the process of word acquisition by the Saami occurred on 
the Norwegian coast. 

From a linguistic point of view, we can come to the conclusion that theforbearers of the Lapps and 
the Scandinavians met in northern Norway about the time of the birth of Christ, and it's probable 
that the Lapps were there when the Scandinavians arrived. (Skold igygnii) 

Although the Norwegian context is not in doubt regarding linguistic influences, Karl Wiklund 
suggested that these were not just borrowed words but that the ancestors of the Saami were directly 
involved in animal husbandry and farming: 

What we are confronted with is a class of Saami who during ancient Nordic [Archaic Scandina- 
vian] times, presumably around the birth of Christ, in addition to hunting and fishing (possibly 
reindeer herding), supported themselves through a form of animal husbandry and farming which 
was at about the same level and in the same region as the Norse. (Wiklund ig^y.Go) 

Wiklund's ideas were criticized because he had no proof at the time. It is clear today, however, 
that Wiklund was correct. Archaeological fieldwork in the 1980s revealed that there were Germanic 
enclaves during the Early Iron Age in both southern and middle Norrland as well; but even more 
relevant is the fact that we now know that the Saami in these regions practiced husbandry and even 
cultivation in the ways that Wiklund had proposed for Norway. Aronsson has found this idea plau- 
sible even for Pite Lappmark (2005) regarding the many formative connections between reindeer 
husbandry and settled farming (cf Khazanov 1984). Recent genetic analyses of Eurasian reindeer 
show, furthermore, that reindeer herding did not spread to Scandinavia from Siberia but they were 
domesticated independently in many different regions (Roed et al. 2008). The first Nordic loan 
words relating to husbandry, herding and farming were undoubtedly acquired much farther south 
than previously believed, perhaps as far south as Svealand in Sweden, where there were fur markets 
such as the famous, still-operating distmg market in Uppsala (Magnus 1555, book 4, ch. 7:182-183). 

Saami words were also borrowed by Germanic speakers and these relate to transportation, 
trade and hunting. Professor Olavi Korhonen (1982, 1988) has examined Saami terms relating to 
boats and boat building, which was a special Saami skill set, as well as words relating to sealing and 
the Saami use of dogs for finding ringed seal dens in the ice. The Nordic community, as attested by 
the Norse sagas, was also highly respectful and even fearful of Saami healing and witchcraft and 
they borrowed the Saami word noaidi, which means "shaman" or "healer." A related phenomenon 
involves the use of taboo words in connection with hunting. These were words that were used by 
Swedish hunters to hide their intentions from the game as the animal would never be mentioned 



164 



CHAPTER 7 



Table 55. Finds of iron slag, clay and iron furnaces. 



SITE 



LATITUDE 



FINDS 



DATE (B.P.) 



Stora Fjaderagg B 
Stora Fjaderagg D 
Hornslandsudde 12 
Hornslandsudde 5 



Grundskatan 3 
Grundskatan 11 



Stor-Rebben A,B,C 
Bjurdklubb 57 



6rN 



65°N 
64°N 



63°N 



Slag 

Forge, iron, copper 

Slag 

Forge 

Slag, furnace clay 
Furnace clay 
Forge, slag 

Slag, furnace clay, iron 



1845±135 945±110 
1485±70 

1500±100, 1205±70 
1175±100 

1660±70, 1235±315 
1110±145 
1820±40, 1570±40 
1390±30 



by its real name. The Saami word alge and its variants, including Ume Saami word alggie, was bor- 
rowed by Bothnian sealers. It means "son" and was also the Ume Saami word for "seal." Another 
Ume Saami word that was widely adopted by Bothnian sealers as a taboo word is mdrssie or morsd, 
which means "fiance" (Edlund 2000). 

Metallurgy 

Iron metallurgy was one of the most formative elements of Saami ethnogenesis. Iron slag has been 
found at five of the sites along the Bothnian coast, from Stor-Rebben in the north to Hornslan- 
dudde in the south. Iron forges were documented at Bjuroklubb 67, Grundskatan 78 and Horns- 
landsudde 119. Slag was found in seven additional hearths, and furnace clay has been documented 
in four hearths. A forging pit has been previously documented together with K)elm0y ceramics at 
Harrsjobacken in Lovanger (Sundqvist et al. 1992), and the forging sites on Bjuron can be viewed 
as continuations of these activities. The radiocarbon date of Harrsjobacken (A.D. 79-245) overlaps 
those of Stor-Rebben, Stora Fjaderagg, as well as Hornslandsudde. While the detailed technological 
analyses of this material are important, of equal interest are the shamanistic and symbolic aspects 
of metal working and, in this study, their connections to Saami bear ceremonialism and offer 
practices. Fire was the most transformative form of technology available in prehistory. Metallurgy 
is thus more than a technology, it is magic. Metallurgy is defined as the extraction of metals from 
their ores and modification of metals for use. It is a form of pyrotechnology, the use of heat for ma- 
nipulating raw materials (Hodges 1970). In this sense it is an extension of the methods employed 
by earlier hunters and gatherers to anneal stone to make them easier to flake, or of quarrying using 
fire and water to shatter rock or to manipulate minerals, as has been documented at the Lundfors 
site in Vasterbotten, 3400/4200 B.C. (Broadbent 1979:99-108). 

The oldest documented iron working in Sweden is found in a band across the 60th parallel 
from the Malardalen region in the east to the Swedish west coast (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993). This 
can be connected to early metallurgy in Finland and emanates from the same regions as textile- 
(Lovozero) and striated ceramics, as well as Malardal- and Ananino axes, that is, from the Volga 
bend to the Ural Mountains in Russia (Hjarthner-Holdar 1993:17-29). Iron working was possibly 
underway in Russia as early as 1800 B.C. (Chernykh 1992; Khlobystin 2005) and spread to Sweden 



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165 



by at least 800-500 B.C. Asbestos-tempered ceramics are closely associated with this technology 
in north Nordic regions and date to ca. 900 B.C-A.D. i in Norway and somewhat later in Sweden 
(Hulthen 1991; Olsen 1994:101-108). 

Iron technology represents a major economic breakthrough because iron ore was readily 
available locally, especially through bog iron precipitates (limonites) and also because there were 
vast pine forests that could provide the fuel necessary to produce and manipulate it. Even winter 
was an advantage as iron deposits could be easily scooped up and transported through the stable 
platforms of frozen lakes and bogs. Sweden was to later become one of the major exporters of high 
quality iron from sources in the so-called jarnbaraland (iron-bearing land) of southern Norrland, 
as described in many early texts, including that of Saxo Grammaticus in the 1190 (Hyenstrand 
1974). During the period A.D. 400-600, large amounts of iron were produced in the forests of 
Dalarna and Jamtland, presumably for trade (Hyenstrand 1974; Magnusson 1986). This activity 
shows the same drastic decline as elsewhere in the Nordic region during the seventh century, but 
rebounded, albeit on a smaller household scale, from A.D. 1000. This is also where the so-called 
forest or hunting graves are found and these are most likely Saami in origin (c£ Hvarfner 1957; 
Sundstrom 1997:21-27; Gollwitzer 1997:27-33; Zachrisson i997a:i95-20o; Bergstol 2008). Most 
of the slag has been found on the shores of lakes and rivers and coincide with the distributions of 
Stone Age settlements. 

Three Iron Forges 
Bjuroklubb 67 

Bjuroklubb 67 (Chapter 5) is a solitary dwelling that lies just below the top of a ridge facing west on 
what was once a small island. The elevation is 17 m above sea level. A radiocarbon date was obtained 
from charcoal (i485±70 B.P.), which calibrates to A.D. 460-640. The find material consists of 22 
pieces of iron slag and clay. This material was analyzed by Lena Grandin, Eva Hjarthner-Holdar and 
Emma Gronberg at the Geoarkeologiskt Laboratorium of the Swedish National Heritage Board (2005). 

A heavily corroded cylindrical piece of iron measuring 28 x 8 x 8 mm and weighing 2.8 g 
was examined, but its exact composition could not be ascertained. Slag samples were determined to 
consist of complex combinations of slag and silica, some of which could have derived from melted 
sand in the soil, and some of which seems to have been added on purpose to improve smithing. 
Silica reduces oxidation of the metal and helps to weld iron to steel. There were also traces of cop- 
per that might have been used to decorate objects (Grandin et al. 2005:5). In general, the slag is 
homogeneous reduction slag containing both magnetite and wiistite that had been produced in a 
highly oxygenated environment. It was the result of secondary smithing using billets of the quality 
of so-called Fellujarn or Kode types (cf. Andersson 2007:6). An analysis of the silty clay furnace 
wall material shows it had been tempered with sand and had been heated to ii5o°C. The hearth soil 
was swept using a magnet in 2008 and both plano-convex hammer scales and iron sphericals were 
obtained, both by-products of smithing (Figure 178). At the time of excavation, it was believed that 
wall stones had fallen into the hut, but these were probably anvils. 

Grundskatan 78, Hut 11 

Excavations at the Grundskatan site (Chapter 5) also produced evidence of forging in a hut. The 
form of the hut was very similar to that at Bjuroklubb, a rounded-rectangular foundation with low 



166 



CHAPTER 7 




Figure lyi. Bjurdklubb 67 showing area of sooty soil and vent in Figure ij]. Close-up of the vent in Bjuroklubb 67. 
the rear wall ofthe hut. 



cobble walls measviring 7x5 m. A radiocarbon date of 1175+100 B.P. (A.D. 720-980) was obtained 
from the hearth. No animal bones were found and 300 grams of iron slag were collected. This ma- 
terial consists of both homogeneous slag, slag with melted stones, red-burned clay and rusted iron. 
The slag includes varying proportions of wiistite, olivine laminates and glass. Two pieces derived 
from the same smithing hearth cake. Fine-grained magnetite and drops of metallic iron occur and 
the iron content is high. There was a good supply of oxygen. The slag derives from secondary forg- 
ing (Grandin et al. 2005), and iron scales, the results of hammering, as well as sphericals were also 
picked up in the hearth using a magnet. Wood charcoal from the hearth was varied and included 
Betula sp. (birch), Pinus sp. (pine) and conifers (pine or spruce). 

Hornslandsudde, Site 119 

Features 12 and 13 are a double hut situated at 16 m above sea level. Two dates were obtained: 
i57o±40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 430-540) and 1820+40 B.P. (A.D. cal. 130-240). The hearth measured ca. 
I X I m and was ca. 20 cm deep. Some i.i kg of slag was found in or near the hearth and a hundred 
or more hammer scales (60 g) were collected. Charcoal derived from pine (Pinus sp.). Some slag 
and furnace clay was water-rolled, which confirms the oldest radiocarbon date of this feature (An- 
dersson 2007:3). 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



167 




Figure J75. Reconstruction of Huts 12-ij. 



Technical analyses were performed by Daniel Andersson of the Geoarkeologiskt Laborato- 
rium of the Swedish National Heritage Board (2007). The slag derived from smithing hearth cakes 
that had probably been formed on the bottom and sides of the pit, which is somewhat unusual 
as they usually only stick to the walls below the air inlet and rest on a bed of fuel. Differences in 
mineral composition from the same area suggest that both oxygen and temperatures were rather 
unstable. The hammer scales are generally comprised of iron oxides and the sphericals of glass 
and dendritic wiistite. High quality iron was found, including one small metallic piece of steel, and 
three corroded pieces of iron. This find suggests the manufacturing of edged tools. Additional slag, 
burned clay and a small rolled thin iron sheet measuring i x 0.3 cm were found in Hut 5, which 
dates to i390±30 B.P. (A.D. cal. 465-779). Feature 5 is a rounded-rectangular hut foundation mea- 
suring ca. 3.5 X 6 m with cobble walls measuring 0.2-0.3 m height. No traces of a smithing hearth 
were found in this dwelling, and it is probable that the slag had been collected from Hut 12. Iron 
slag (120 g) and six red clay pieces (0.6 to 1.2 cm) were found in the hearth together with 375 bone 
fragments (60 g) and one iron fragment (i.o cm). The large number of burned bones and a central 
hearth supports the interpretation that this hut was a normal dwelling, not a forge. 

Smithing and Shamanism 

Three shallow smithing hearths have been identified in huts ranging in age from A.D. 130 to 
980. The oldest dated material is from Hornslandsudde and the youngest from Grundskatan. This 
spread suggests that iron working had been carried out the entire time these sealing sites were 
used, over 800 years. The three forging sites are very similar and consist of simple huts of compa- 
rable sizes and constructions to the dwellings. Bjuroklubb 67 had seal bones and phosphate enrich- 
ment indicative of a normal dwelling, and Huts 12-13 were a double hut, a smithy and a dwelling 
with a livestock enclosure. All three smithies were adjacent to or directly within settlements. The 
smithing hearths were small and shallow and quite comparable to what is known about clay-lined 
bowl furnaces, which average 30-80 cm across and 12-45 depth (cf. Martens 1988:70-85; 

Hjarthner-Holdar 1993:94-101). The floors of the forging huts also have numerous anvil stones. 



168 



CHAPTER 7 




Munsell Soil Color: 

Ml = l()yv/6/l Gray 

M2 = lOyr/6/6 Brownish Yellow 

M.? -= lOyr/7/1 Light Oray 

M4 1 Oyi/5/2 Grayish Brown 

M5 l()yr/6/2 Light Brownish Gray 

M6 = lOyr/5/1 Gray 

M7 = 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Brown 

M8 - 1 Oyr/5/2 Grayish Rrown 



Profile A 



I inexcaviiled 





Profile B 



s = Slag 
(g) ^ Carbon Sample - 20cm 



3.5 Liters of 
Fire Cracked Rock 



Figure 176. Detail of forging hearth in Hut 12, Homslandsudde. S= slag, X=AMS dates. 




Figure lyS. Iron scales, ropey iron and sphericals from Figure ijg. Furnace clay from Bjurokluhb 67 (Grandin et 

Grundskatan Site yS, Hut 11. Spherical = 1 mm. al. 2005:14). 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



169 



This coastal smithing was evidently carried out for domestic uses and the manufacturing of 
edged tools (Andersson 2007:6). According to Grandin et al. (2005:8-9), the material is not com- 
parable to the site of Lappnaset (Englund et al. 1996) or Kyrkesviken in northern Angermanland 
(Kresten 1999), where primary smithing had taken place. It is nevertheless comparable to the mate- 
rial from a smithing hearth at Lill-Mosjon, Grundsunda, Angermanland, which dates to 25oo±65 
B.P. (Englund 2000). Although no primary iron production has been found in the Lovanger area, 
there are sources of bog iron in the Nolbyn-Mangbyn area (Granlund 1943). The iron on the sites 
came in the form of billets, but only one billet of the spade-shaped type produced in Middle and 
Southern Norrland has been found north of Angermanland, and this was in northern Finland 
(Liedgren and lohansson 2005:290). 

The Bothnian sealers were clearly very familiar with the intricacies of small-scale iron work- 
ing. They could produce high quality objects, including decorated items. To gauge temperatures by 
color, the smithies were in huts with special venting systems involving channels running through 
rear walls; one of these was probably for a bellows operated outside of the hut. It is quite possible 
that they were in use during all sealing seasons, both the fall and spring months for ringed seals, 
as well as during the summers when harp seals were hunted. It is also notable that slag nodules 
and even furnace clay have been found in so many hearths without furnaces. For example, 23 
small iron slag nodules were found in the hearth of Hut 3 at Grundskatan, which is adjacent to and 
partly contemporary with Hut 4 (with the bear burial) and the circular sacrificial feature at this 
site. Slag was also found in Huts A, B and G at Stor-Rebben, Huts B and D on Stora Fjaderagg and 
the aforementioned Hut 5 at Hornslandudde. Slag was similarly found in oval Saami hearths in 
Norrbotten (Hedman 2003:161-189) and in the hearths of Stalo huts. Mulk (1994:177-184) has, for 
instance, recorded iron slag from two Stalo huts at Suollakavalta and a hearth in Singi. These sites 
date to ca. 1000-1200. Similar sites have been documented in southeast Norway (Narmo 2000). 
Iron blanks, rivets, tongs and other tools together with iron fragments are otherwise documented 
from Stalo huts (cf Mulk 1994). Iron blanks and rods, as well as a crucible and asbestos wares, are 
recorded at other sites, such as Halla (nos. 869-870) in Asele, Lake Overuman, Tarna, Norrvik, 
Paulundsvallen in Lycksele, Rappasundet in Arjeplog, Landsjarv, Sorviken and Varghalsen (Zach- 
risson 1976:71). Zachrisson has also observed that slag is found on Saami sites and has analyzed 
some, including parts of a small plano-convex cake measuring 10 cm in diameter. Four of these 
pieces were verified by the technical department of the Museum of National Antiquities and two 
of them, from Gafsele in Asele Parish and Stallverket on the Angermanland River (Zachrisson 
1976:129). In a more recent overview of the evidence, Zachrisson (2006) describes likely Saami iron 
working sites in jamtland, Harjedalen, northern Dalarna, western Halsingland and Medelpad, as 
well as iron objects with distinctive Saami markings. 

Iron slag has likewise been documented in North Norway, for example in a probable sha- 
man's hut at Vapsgieddi (Grydeland 2001:37-42). While some sites are smithies, most of them 
are not, and this raises the very real possibility that slag was deliberately put in hearths because 
of its magical, especially transformative, properties. Metamorphosis was an empirical reality and 
the hearth was a sacred place (Qvigstad 1926:321). Mats Burstrom (1990) has argued that slag had 
been deliberately placed in Iron Age graves in southern Norrland, both as grave goods and as fill. 
This ritual connection in Scandinavia has been discussed more recently against the background of 
comparative ethnographic analogies in Africa (Haaland 2004; cf Haaland et al. 2004). 



170 



CHAPTER 7 



European and Norse mythology is full of the myths, legends and folktales that build on the 
magic and rituals of the smith and iron working (Haaland 2004:11; cf Green 2002). Hedeager 
(2001) pursued this idea regarding the Norse figure Volundr, who could change shape as a shaman 
to mediate between humans and the gods. She also discusses Regin from the Volsunga Saga, who 
is a liminal figure and a dwarf (Hedeager 2001:492). Although a person to be respected and even 
feared, in Germanic society the smith was nevertheless only working at it part-time, and this was 
not necessarily a high status profession (cf Haaland 2004:14). 

Volundr and the North 

The master smith Volundr/Weland is described in the Older Edda from ca. 1000, which is one of the 
oldest of the Icelandic texts. He was originally a dwarf or from a family of dwarves or elves, but he 
was completely human and with human emotions. His tale is prefaced by a brief description of his 
background: "The Finn King had three sons, Slagfinn, Egil and Vohindr, who traveled on skis and hunted 
reindeer ..." (Bseksted 1970:228). The tale then goes on about how Volundr, having made a magic 
sword and 700 rings of red gold that he tied to his forge, was robbed by King Nidud and his soldiers, 
who wore chain mail. Meanwhile, Volundr, on returning home from bear hunting, was captured and 
tied up. He had his leg tendons cut, but took to the sky using wings he had forged (Baeksted 1970:229). 

Most intriguing about this story are the references to the "Finn King," skis, reindeer, dwarves 
and even a bear. Volundr's forge was on an island. The Volundr allusions point northward, and there 
are valid reasons for taking them seriously. For one thing, there is now credible archaeological evi- 
dence for Finn Kings (Hansen and Olsen 2004:214-220), and the hunting of reindeer on skis could 
only have taken place in the north. The reference to dwarves, who knew magic and were devious, can 
refer to the meeting of the Saami and the Norse as proposed by Nilsson's early study of the saga litera- 
ture (cf Nilsson 1866) and, of course, the Saami stories about Stalo giants. The shamanistic context 
in Norse religion is also expressed through the Seic)r rituals, which involves female divination, as seen 
among the Saami (Dubois 1999:121-138; Price 2002:91-328). Amanda Green (2002) has related the 
ritualistic value of iron to the Germanic practice of offering weapons and animals in bogs and watery 
cult places, which we know the Saami practiced. There is likewise a strong gender component to met- 
allurgy in which the forge is seen as a womb and symbolizes fertility (Herbert 1993). 

Conclusions 

The chronology, architecture and organization of North Bothnian settlements coincide extremely well 
with what is known about other Saami settlements and cultural manifestations throughout the Nordic 
region. Although dwelling constructions differ by region, they reflect comparable social and resource 
exploitation strategies. They were closely connected with pastoralism, trade and intense cultural in- 
teractions. The closest Saami architectural parallels to the North Bothnian material that I know of 
are in northern coastal Norway. The combinations and even the transitions from oval to rectilinear 
structures could similarly relate to contacts between the Saami and other groups, or simply reflect 
different seasonal needs. Technology, it must be assumed, was a shared interest and yet another arena 
of collaboration between Saami and non- Saami. Ritual behavior, the connection between metallurgy, 
metal offerings in bogs and shamanism, seems to have belonged to the realm of common ground. As 
will be discussed in the next chapter, the transformative properties of the bear, and the significance of 
the bear rites, relate directly to the dwelling, the hearth, fertility and to Saami social identity. 



THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ROADMAP 



171 



1^ J' 



BEAR BURIALS 
& 
BONE 
DEPOSITIONS 




Figure 180. Map showing general distribution of documented bear burials and bone depositions 
in Sweden and Nonvay. Icon based on an image from a Saami drum (Kjellstrom and Rydving 
ic)88:26). Bear burials in Sweden concentrate in South Sdpmi, to which Grundskatan belongs. Bone 
depositions are more common in North Sdpmi. Photo inset of bear skull find from Jdmtland. Courtesy 
Antikvariskt-topog-afiska arkivet, the National Heritage Board, Stockholm. 



Rituals and Religion 



Most religious interpretations of Saanii archaeological material are based on written ac- 
counts from the i6oos and 1700s. Swedish Lord High Chancellor Magnus Gabriel De la 
Gardie commissioned studies by Swedish priests who were to then turn over their materi- 
als to lohannes Schefferus, author of Lapponia in 1673. Priests also collected information 
on religious practices in Norway. These efforts were intended to define, and then overpower, Saami 
witchcraft, magic and heathen beliefs and practices (Manker 1957:9). 

Information on Saami sacred sites can be sought from many sources: physical traces in the 
landscape, place-names, traditional knowledge and written accounts. Each source has its limita- 
tions, however. Landscape impacts were often minimal and building materials mostly perishable. 
Most constructions were made of wood, brush, sod and birch bark. Place-names, which once iden- 
tified locales, have in many areas been replaced by names from the linguistic majority. In other 
instances, Saami place-names have been lost along with the disappearance of the Saami language 
and changed land uses. The written sources are relatively recent and were recorded by non-Saami. 
It is probable that the Saami were loath to reveal the locations of sacred sites, sacred place-names 
or practices, either because this would shame the sites and weaken the power of their traditions, or 
simply to avoid punishment, prison and even execution (Lundius 1905:32, Olsen 1910:7 ff ). 

Saami sacred sites were often landforms such as mountains, lakes, islands, points and pen- 
insulas, caves, crevices, cliffs, ridges, ledges, water divides, rapids, waterfalls, springs and streams 
(Qvigstad 1926; Manker 1957). These were places where power was concentrated. These powers 
consisted of the spirits of ancestors and different categories of helping and protective beings that 
maintained different classes of animals. Special rules applied regarding the interaction of humans 
and these powers. It was at these kinds of sites one could seek contact with spiritual forces. Ac- 
cording to Saami traditional beliefs, to die was to wander in the underworld (Hogstrom 1747:210). 
The underworld was also the home of dead relatives (Backman 1975). These people lived a paral- 
lel existence and even walked upside down with their feet against those of the living (Lundius 
1675:6). All of these spiritual entities received offerings at places where conditions for contact were 
favorable. Offerings to dead relatives could occur near graves or at other locales, especially on spe- 
cial platforms near settlements or in the natural landscape where there were transitions between 
worlds. Sacrifices and offerings often occurred at places that were associated with game. Offerings 
were made to Tjaetsiealmaj, "the water man," for fishing luck on the shores of lakes or in the water. 
Offerings were made at a kill site to Liejpiealmaj, "the alder man." Inside the hut, offerings were 



173 



made to the female deities Maadteraahka and her daughters Saarahka, Joeksaahka and Oksaahka 
- overseeing ah that is female, including menstruation and childbirth. Offerings were made daily. 
Each entity had its own special place in the hut. Under the hut floor resided Jaemiehaahka, "death 
woman," who controlled the distribution of the vital powers between the living and the dead. 

Traces of Saami ritual practice have mostly disappeared, but some constructions have sur- 
vived. These can be graves, stone circles or enclosures, mound-like constructions and different 
types of sacrificial platforms or cairns. Sacrificial idols were often made of wood, but in some 
instances were made of stone on or near the offer site. Rich deposits of bone and antler together 
with blood, fat and flesh gave rise to both lush vegetation and characteristic plant types (cf Manker 
1957:123; Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001:108). Sacred sites were used for both "bloody sacri- 
fices" and metal offerings. Of the bloody offerings, bone and antler could survive, but seldom any 
other visible indications. Archaeological investigations of offer sites, which were known from oral 
traditions, have rendered astounding numbers of artifacts (Hallstrom 1932; Serning 1956; Zachris- 
son 1984). A single site can contain hundreds of objects from a wide geographic region. The objects 
consist of brooches, pendants, clasps and buckles of pewter, bronze and silver, silver coins and iron 
arrowheads. Coins and ornaments are usually perforated. There can also be considerable amounts 
of bone from many species: reindeer, cattle, horses, sheep/goats, pigs, fish, birds (including swans 
and roosters), bears, dogs, wolves and cats (Manker 1957:45-46). The most common day-to-day 
offerings were ordinary items: bits of food, reindeer milk, and tobacco or vodka (Mebius 2003; cf 
Jordan 2003). 

While Saami sacred sites can consist of a number of different features or none at all, two 
types are of particular interest in this study. One form is a circular sacrificial feature and the other 
manifestation is the bear burial. Circular stone features of these kinds have been known for over 
a century in Norway and have now been documented in coastal Sweden. This new material has 
been presented by Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent (2006). An analysis of the Grundskatan bear 
burial is based on 42 comparable bear burials and bear bone depositions in Norway and Sweden. 
The bear burial is one of the most powerful manifestations imaginable of Saami identity and terri- 
tory. In order to avoid confusion regarding Nordic grave types, the term "burial" is used instead of 
"grave" to describe the interment of bear bones. The use of this term encompasses the act of cover- 
ing the remains and the rituals connected with it. An offering is a symbolic gesture, and as most 
of the animals had been consumed prior to being offered, they are not, strictly speaking, sacrifices. 
Interestingly enough, the creatures that were not normally consumed, for example fur-bearing ani- 
mals, were sacrificed with their bones intact. Some animals were obtained specifically for sacrifices, 
such as house cats and even horses (Manker 1957:46). 

Manker (1957:10-11) has defined nine traits of Saami religion: 

1) All nature was animated and forces of nature, and even illness and death were personified 
by gods. 

2) Reindeer herding, hunting and fishing had specific gods and guardians. 

3) Power and danger were connected with specific locales. 

4) Gods were worshiped in the form of unusual stones, cliffs or wooden idols. 

5) Cults and rituals most often had utilitarian motives, such as good luck in fishing, hunting, 
herding and health. 



174 



CHAPTER 8 



6) There was no priesthood, and every family used sacred drums for their spiritual needs. 

7) The drum was the primary instrument of Saami cults. 

8) The most distinctive of the Saami cults relates to bears. 

9) There were a number of female taboos regarding offer sites, hunting, the handling of the 
drum, etc., but special goddesses (family or kin spirits) were connected with the dwelling, 
childbirth and small children. 



There are also a number of special terms that applied to sacred sites, three of which are rele- 
vant here. The term seite and its variants refer in part to an idol, usually an unusual natural stone and 
also the place of this idol. The South Saami term bissie has three meanings: the concept of sacred, a 
sacred offer site, and the offering itself The term ahka or akka refers to the female goddesses, inclvid- 
ing the mother goddess Maadterahka and her three daughters (L^stadius 1838-1845: Manker 1957:13 
ff ). The Saami cosmos had two, possibly three, levels: the upper world (including the heavens) and 
the underworld. These are, in any case, parallel worlds and their boimdaries can also be defined by 
the land and the sea, or by a mountain top and the sky. These worlds were united through the world 
axis. Physical representations of the supernatural world, such as idols, were part of everyday life. 
Human graves, however, were to be avoided (Stora 1971; Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 20o6b:25-29). 

Acts of communication with Maadterahka took place through routine domestic observances, 
small-scale offerings, larger-scale seasonal offerings and, when necessary, through shamanistic 
intercession (Mulk and Bayliss-Smith 2006:91). There was also a hierarchy of offer sites and sacri- 
ficial sites that related to different social settings. The primary setting was that of the family and 
the family dwelling; the second setting was the territory used by a local band or the sijdda: and the 




RITUALS AND RELIGION 



175 



third setting was the region used by related bands, referred to as the vuobme or tjiellde (Swedish, 
lappby). These units are comparable in size to hunter-gatherer bands; a family normally averages 
five people, a band 25 people or three to five families, and a viable biological and linguistic group of 
about 500 people (cf Lee and Daly 1999)- Comparable numbers have been obtained from cameral 
records for the Forest Saami of lokkmokk parish (Kvist and Wheelersburg 1997). 

Ernst Manker published more than 500 sacred sites in 1957. Eleven of these sites are known 
for their rich finds of metal objects. A twelfth major site has been added since then (Zachrisson 
1984). These sites date primarily to the period A.D. 700-1400, but there are also sporadic finds of 
quartzite, slate and asbestos-tempered pottery. There is thus every reason to believe that these offer 
practices did not originate during the Late Iron Age, but have deep roots extending back 4,000 
years or more (Manker 1957:52). 

The Wild and the Domesticated 

While Saami shamanism related to mediation between hunters and prey, there was also a strong pas- 
toral element that involved tame and domesticated animals, herds and pasturelands. Saami ideology 
thereby embodied a dualism of dependency and control (cf Ingold 1986; Hamayon 1996:76-89). 
Seventy-six percent of the animal bones from offer sites derive from combinations of wild and do- 
mesticated reindeer and 8% derive from livestock, especially sheep and goats. An offering is a ritual- 
ized form of communication with the gods, and it is evident that Saami gods could be satisfied by 
this mixture of wild and domesticated creatures. As quoted in Manker (1957:44-45): Randulf (1723) 
described live sacrifices of horses, goats, dogs and cats at sites with wooden idols in North Norway; 
Eorbus (1727) mentioned sheep or goats being sacrificed to Beifwe, the sun god in Swedish Lap- 
land; Kildal (1730) described the offering of spirits, tobacco, cheese, porridge {Saaraahka's porridge), 
calves, sheep, lambs, goats, pigs, 
cats and roosters to Maad- 
teraahka and her three daugh- 
ters; Hogstrom (1746) in Lule 
Lapmark mentioned sheep and 
goats among other animals sac- 
rificed; Leem (1767), writing of 
Finnmark, mentioned that sheep 
and other livestock together with 
milk and cheese, but seldom 
seals, were offered. While many 
of these finds date to the historic 
period, Manker has presented ev- 
idence that livestock had been of- 
fered during the Viking Period: 
goats were found at seven sites 
and cattle at three sites. Reindeer 
and goats were, in fact, among 
the most common offer animals 
(Manker 1960:46, 76). 




Figure 182. Aniinal offerings at j^j sites (based on Manker ig^y.p). 



176 



CHAPTER 8 



The Bear Burial 

The bear was one of the most important symbols of Saami society. While bears were the largest 
and most dangerous predators in the Nordic region and were revered as such, their spiritual sig- 
nificance among circumpolar peoples like the Saami related in greater measure to their humanlike 
attributes, including body proportions, particularly when skinned, their upright and sitting stances, 
footprints, omnivorous diets, feces, cleverness and even emotional behavior, including crying and 
masturbation (Edsman 1994:20). Added to these qualities is the bear's ability to hibernate, to sur- 
vive without eating, and then seemingly rise from the dead in the spring (Hallowell 1926:149). The 
bear was a sacred animal in all Saami areas and bear hunting was a sacred undertaking (Backman 
and Hultkrantz 1978:83). Saami bear rituals were first documented by Danish, Norwegian and 
Swedish priests in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Niurenius 1645; Rheen 1671; Graan 
1672; Thurenius 1724; Hogstrom 1747; Fjellstrom 1755; Leem 1767). A comprehensive synthesis and 
analysis of the large corpus of original source materials, as well as published literature on Saami 
and Finnish bear ceremonies, is given in Manker (1957) and Edsman (1994). 

The brown bear (Ursus arctos arctos) was a co-migrator with humans into the Scandinavian 
Peninsula from the south and east following the rapid deglaciation of the region between 8,000 and 
10,000 years ago. Bear figures appear as portable art (Carpelan 1977) and images of bears in early 
northern rock art, together with figures of birds, fish, reindeer and humans, have close parallels 
on Saami drums (Helskog 1988). It has been speculated that the drums may have replaced rock art 
as a shamanistic medium (Helskog 1988:110-112). After reindeer, bears were the most common 
animals portrayed on these drums (Kjellstrom and Rydving 1988). 

Twenty Nordic sources from 1631 to the nineteenth century describe Saami bear burials. 
Zachrisson and Iregren (1974) summarize these accounts and describe nine Swedish bear burial 
finds, as well as 20 finds of bear bones of "special character" (i.e., bear bone depositions, includ- 
ing skulls). The latter are more common in north Lapland and Norway (Zachrisson and Iregren 
1974:38). Although of seemingly different character, the motivation for a burial and for a bone depo- 
sition was the same, the need to show respect for the bear and for renewal (Mebius 2003:108-110). 
Mulk and Iregren (1995) published an additional bear burial from a dwelling site at Karats near Jok- 
kmokk in Lapland. A study encompassing 30 finds from North Norway was published by Myrstad 
(1996), and another about Spildra, an island with nine bear burials/bone depositions in Norway, 
was published by Bjorklund and Grydeland (2001). Altogether, some 43 burial sites are recorded 
in Norway and Sweden. An additional find had been made at Onbacken in Halsingland in 1923 
(Liedgren 1985). According to the excavator, Gustaf Hallstrom, bear bones and a complete skull with 
teeth were found in the southeast corner of an Early Iron Age terrace house and not far from some 
graves. This is a "typical bear grave of Southern Lappish type" (Liedgren 1985:340). This parallels 
the Grundskatan find and shows that the Saami were directly involved in spiritual interactions with 
Germanic farmers in Halsingland. 

Saami rituals took place at many locations in the landscape and within a hierarchy of space, 
from the mountaintops to the hearths. Manker sorted 342 offer sites by topography. Forty-four 
percent were by springs, waterfalls, rapids, lakes, islands and points. He also noted that islands 
were important because they were isolated and protected (Manker 1957:23-28). A majority of the 
bear burials/depositions (73%) are also associated with water and had been placed on islands or on 
points. All but two of the Norwegian finds were on the Norwegian coast. 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



177 



The construction of bear burials, like dwellings, reflects the availability of local raw materials 
(e.g., cairns in the mountains and on the coasts and inhumations with earth or log coverings in 
interior and forested areas). Most bear burials and depositions (48%), especially in Norway, were 
found in fissures, under boulders or in caves. It has been pointed out that these are the places where 
bears live, their dens, and also where there were openings to other worlds (Myrstad 1996:66-67). 
Some 17% were in cists or stone circles, 6% were in earth mounds, and 8% were under cairns. Al- 
though not common, the bones could be charred, as seen at Grundskatan (see also Paulson 1963), 
and a burned surface was observed under a bark layer at the bear burial site at Karats (Mulk and 
Iregren 1995). 

Of the 29 bear burials and depositions with multiple skeletal parts, 22 of them (78%) had 
some or most of the bones chopped, broken and split. Because of the ritualistic significance of the 
bear burial, only a selection of bones seems to have been, in practice, necessary. The common lack 
of phalanges shows that the bear had been flayed with the claws attached. According to Saami tra- 
dition, bear claws, which could have been removed as amulets, contained vdki, the essence of the 
power of the animal (DuBois 1999:105). Even the bear skull, which was of special significance in 
bear ceremonialism (Hallowell 1926:135), was not necessarily put into the burials and could have 
been removed for other purposes: 32% lacked skulls and 31% of the skulls were fragmentary. Only 
38% had teeth present. Long bones, by contrast, were nearly always present in both depositions and 
burials. These bones contained the most marrow, were highly prized as food, and were powerful 
symbols of the life force of the animal (Edsman 1994:20). 

Seventeen radiocarbon dates of bear burials/depositions range from A.D. 200 to 1800 (Zach- 
risson and Iregren 1974; Mulk and Iregren 1995; Myrstad 1996). There are two apparent spikes: 
A.D. 800-1200 and A.D. 1600-1800. The first spike corresponds to the Viking Age and the Gr- 
undskatan find, and the second to the "end of drum time" during which Lutheran priests cracked 
down on Saami religion. 



20 
18 
16 
14 
12 
% 10 
8 
6 
4 
2 








































































h 




LI 











178 



Figure 18]. Find-places of bear burials and bone depositions in Norway and Sweden {N=^8}. 

CHAPTER 8 



30 1 












25 












20 


























% 15 




















10 





















5 























i 
i 





Bogs Coasts Hills Interior Islands Lal<es Points Rivers 



Figure 184. Percentages of bear burials and bone depositions by landscape feature (N=^6). 



Lutheran suppression of Saami religion was at its extreme during the seventeenth and eigh- 
teenth centuries (Rydving 1995), and the bear rite had a revival before finally disappearing along 
with many of the old ways in the nineteenth century. A logical reason for the increased frequency 
of bear rites during this final period was religious confrontation. This was a direct assault on the 
underpinnings of the Saami relationship to the spiritual world and to the bear itself as a personifi- 
cation of this relationship. Bear burials span over 1,500 years and represent one of the most ancient 
and symbolically important cults in the north Nordic region. 

Against this background, it is possible to assess the Grundskatan find and contextualize some 
of its meaning. Religious historian Hakan Rydving (1995) has defined the significant parameters of 
Saami religious analysis: the setting, the timing, the social context (including gender) and the eco- 




200-400 400-600 600-800 800-1000 1000-1200 1200-1400 1400-1600 1600-1800 



Figure 1S5. Bear burials by date (N=iy). 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



179 



nomic context. The Grundskatan find can be assessed using these criteria although these aspects 
overlap in many regards. 

The Grundskatan Find 

The significance of this find was referenced in Chapter i and the excavation is described together 
with the other features at Grundskatan in Chapter 5. To recapitulate, the burial was found during 
the routine excavation of Hut 4 at Grundskatan. Hut 4 is a rounded rectangular foundation with a 
floor area measuring ca. 3 x 4 m. A hearth lies in the center of the floor. The burial cairn had been 
built directly on the floor in the southeast (rear) corner of the dwelling. An AMS date was obtained 
for the bear bone: 1080+45 B-P- (A.D. cal. 898-1014). This shows good correspondence to the date of 
the hearth iiio±iio B.P. (A.D. cal. 780-1020). The medians are: A.D. 958 and A.D. 912, respectively. 

The bear bones were found under a cairn. Eight percent of bear burials have this find context. 
These stones were extensions of the wall at Grundskatan, however. The bones were chopped and 
broken for marrow. This coincides with 78% of the bear burials. Large pieces of long bones were 
kept, as were fragments of the skull and teeth. These were among the most symbolically important 
parts of the bear skeleton and the most anatomically represented in bear burials. The phalanges 
were missing and this shows that the bear has been flayed and the skin kept with the claws at- 
tached. This is consistent with the oral and written sources. The bones were sorted. This is an 
important aspect of the burial act. There were no other animal bones present in the grave. This is 
true of most bear burials. There were no artifacts. This is true of the majority of the burials: two of 
which contained bullets, one a silver leaf, and two that had links of brass chain. 

There are two persistent misconceptions in the written accounts regarding bear burials: i) all 
the bones were to be buried in anatomically correct position and 2) the bones were to be undamaged 
(Myrstad 1996:20-22). The archaeological evidence shows that nearly all of the bear bones in both 
Norway and Sweden had, in fact, been chopped and split for marrow extraction, and this is true of 
nearly all offer animals that were considered edible. In addition, it is rare that all of the bones were 
collected and buried, much less in anatomical order. Most burials with complete skeletal material 
date to the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and this was possibly influenced by the tenets of 
Christianity that prescribed that a body be intact for resurrection. 




Figure 186. Bear bones from Hut 4 at Grundskatan, in situ (left) and sorted (right). 



180 CHAPTER 8 



The Setting and Social Context 

The Grundskatan settlement is situated on a point and on an island. As a coastal site it coincides 
with the majority of Nordic bear burial locations. Its association with an island is characteristic of 
Saami grave sites, as is its location near water. The bear burial at Grundskatan is directly associated 
with the dwelling and the deities associated with the bear cult. These female deities relate through 
their attributes to all aspects of the bear rite: fertility and birth, the hearth, the hunt and rebirth. 
The hut at Grundkatan has a rear opening corresponding to the boassjo area and sacred doorway. 
The dwelling had possibly been rebuilt for the ceremony and ashes were found spread in a thin 
secondary deposit around the hearth. 

The Economy and Timing 

The local context is that of hunting. The main season for hunting ringed seals on the ice is Febru- 
ary through the end of April. Bears were most easily hunted in late winter, February to April, when 
they could most easily be dispatched in their dens (Zachrisson and Iregren 1974:79-83). The den 
was located in early winter and involved "ringing them in" by following their tracks in the snow. 
The hunt was initiated when the crusty snow of late winter supported a skier, but not this large and 
dangerous prey. The bear hunt sometimes involved some six months of planning. 

Although Grundskatan conforms in nearly all aspects to other bear burials in Norway and 
Sweden, the most unusual aspect of this find is that it was made in a dwelling. This matter becomes 
less problematic, however, when viewed within the overall circumpolar context of bear rites and 
their symbolic associations with dwellings. 

The Dwelling as the Saami Cosmos 

The bear feast has been characterized as a primeval expression of hunting mentality with associated 
female taboos (cf Reuterskiold 1912), but the setting was neither isolated nor did it exclude women. 
The bear was brought back to the settlement and the creature was brought into a dwelling. A spe- 
cial hut or ordinary huts were always used or constructed for the feast. In Fjellstrom's words, the 
rites and feast were conducted "at home" and then buried at the site where it had been prepared (cf 
Zachrisson and Iregren 1974:96). The bear flesh was to be brought into the dwelling through the 
back door. The hunters also entered the hut through this doorway. The goddess, who allowed the 
hunt, Baassjoeaahka, lived beneath this sacred portal (Mebius 2003:111, 117-122). The hut {goahte) 
was not just a dwelling; however; it was the center of the Saami cosmos (Storli 1991:51-58). Rydving 
describes this with respect to its place and the perils of the universe: 

The center of the ritual cosmos was formed by the goahte and the place where it stood (sjalljo). 
The goahte represented security in contrast to the wilderness (miehttse), where all sorts of perils 
threatened, both real such as wolves, wolverines and other beasts of prey, and perils we would 
classify as mythical, (iggyioo) 

The dwelling was the realm of the principal female deity, Maadteraahka, the creator of human 
bodies, and her three daughters. The fertility goddess, Saaraahka, who lived beneath the hearth, 
was the most important. Oksaahka was the guardian of the doorway, and Joeksaahka was the bow 
woman, who was probably identical with Baassjoeaahka. Another goddess in the dwelling was 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



181 



Jaemiehaahka, who was the ruler of the world of the dead (Mebius 2003:117-123, 131). She lived 
beneath the floor of the hut. Both bears and humans went to her after death. 

Blood was also a major theme. Ceremonies employing alder bark juice were performed in 
honor of the alder man, Liepiealmaj, who was the hunter's deity as well as the animal master look- 
ing out for the bear's interests. He ruled over the wild animals (Mebius 2003:94-95; Backman and 
Hultkrantz 1978:108). In actual fact, it appears that Lieipiealmaj was one of the disguises that the 
bear could take. The bear was himself "the master of all the other animals in the forest" (Rheen 
1671:143). Blood-red alder juice was spit (by the women) on the bear, the hunters, the hunting dogs, 
the reindeer that dragged the bear, the hut where the bear was skinned, the children who possibly 
carried the meat to the women and even over the portions of meat that were to be eaten by the 
women. The red pigment was also rubbed on the posts of the hut for protection from evil (Collinder 
1953:199). The Saami word for alder, lieipie, means bear blood and menstrual blood (Paproth 1964). 
All the family members were involved in the sacramental consumption of the bear flesh. The as- 
sociation of the bear and the dwelling underscores its social focus. Through this domestic context 
the bear can be viewed as a key symbol of Saami society (Wennstedt Edvinger 2001:14). 

Although dating to the 1600s, Kvaenangen in North Norway is an interesting parallel to the 
Grundskatan find. Spildra Island is at the nexus of three siidas and has nine bear burial/bone depo- 
sitions, as well as finds of animal offerings in dwellings (Grydeland 2001:37-42). In the rear of Hut 
I at Vapsgieddi, and in the sacred back door area (the "bloody" door according to Saami practices), 
were offerings of fish, seals, sheep/goats, cows and reindeer. The bones had been sorted and were 
split for marrow. Fragments of a shaman's drum were also found nearby and the locale is called 
Noaiddi Point (Shaman's Point). Considerable amounts of iron slag were also found in the dwelling. 
Bones of a lamb - but missing the pelvis, ribs and leg bones - were buried by the front door. This 
is similar to reindeer offerings in Vasterbotten (Grydeland 2001:37-42). In other words, a young 
domesticated animal by the front door and game animals by the back door had been offered to the 
ahka goddesses of the hut in accordance with traditional principles of domestic and sacred space. 
This find manifests the dualism of the hunter and the pastoralist within the principal spiritual set- 
ting of Saami society. The bear in the dwelling at Grundskatan, as an even more powerful creature, 
explicitly connected the whole of the animal world to the Saami world. 

The bear ceremonies of the Ainu in Hokkaido and Sakhalin, who had a maritime economy, 
are particularly close parallels to Saami beliefs and practices with respect to their social and do- 
mestic meanings. While there are many potential Eurasian comparisons that could be of interest in 
these discussions, the Ainu example is particularly relevant because it provides an archaeological 
parallel to the Grundskatan find. According to Ainu beliefs the bear god offered himself to humans 
as a gift. His spirit was to be returned through the bear rituals, called "spirit-sending ceremonies" 
or iyomanti (Hallowell 1926:120-131; Akino 1999:248-260). This was a ritual of rebirth (Ohnuki- 
Tierny 1999:241). The iyomanti ceremony, like the Saami bear ceremony, was held at the settlement 
and in a dwelling. The bear's body and spirit entered the house through the sacred eastern window 
(God's window). The bear was given fine gifts and was an honored guest. The role of women is 
emphasized through this context: 

. . . the rite is held in the woman's domain, inside the house and, most importantly, by the hearth 
where Fuchi, the female counterpart of the bear resides. (Ohnuki-Tierny iggg:24^) 



182 



CHAPTER 8 



Cooking and food preparation have the same symboHc purpose as the bear ceremony, human 
spiritual and physical nourishment (Ohnuki-Tierny 1999:244). The spirit-sending ceremony has 
been identified in archaeological contexts through depositions of skulls or skull fragments (rep- 
resentative of the species), the systematic arrangement of bones, evidence of processing such as 
burning and, finally, association with a dwelling. There are three types of sites, referred to as 
nusa, "the sending back place." These sites are: soil-conscious (house depressions), stone-conscious 
(cairns or rock outcrops), and shell middens (Utagawa 1999:256-260). The skulls were kept near 
the sacred eastern wall of the dwelling, but the rest of the bones were taken back to be buried in 
the mountains. The criteria for "sending-back places" coincide well with Grundskatan: i) the finds 
in a dwelling, 2) the sorting of the bones, 3) the traces of burning and 4) the placement of rocks (a 
cairn) over the bones. 

The overall goals of Ainu and Saami bear ceremonies, judging by the written and oral ac- 
counts, were identical: the renewal of nature, the strengthening of social bonds, and a sense of 
identity and place in the universe. From the comparative anthropological point of view, this material 
suggests that the social relevancy of the bear rite was fundamental and widespread. 

Ainu society is structured by relationships between these ceremonies and fa milies, groups and 
communities . . .These ceremonies allow the Ainu to maintain their ethnic identity and sense of 
belonging . . . (Akino iggg:26o) 

The Tree of Death and Rebirth 

Charcoal from under the cairn stones at Grundskatan has rendered some even more remarkable 
results that align with the ritual context of the bear burial: the wood of the yew tree, Taxus sp. (bac- 
cata), was identified together with birch, alder, heather, conifers and angiosperms (Poole 2005). 
The local plants are not surprising. The yew tree, however, grows in southern Sweden, mostly as a 
2-3 m high shrub. Its wood is very hard, dark and elastic, and was highly prized for making bows 
throughout Europe (Nitzelius and Vedel 1966:113). The yew tree is an ancient symbol of death and 
rebirth in Eurasian mythology. The yew was the sacred tree of the Greek underworld, and the Ro- 
mans used yew boughs at funerals (cf Davidson 1964; Lindow 2002). This belief derives in part 
from the way it grows by putting stems into the ground that emerge as new trunks alongside the 
old. It is also poisonous and was used for weapons. There are also good reasons for considering yew 
as Yggdrasil, the everlasting World Tree that holds all the worlds: Asgard, Midgard, Utgard and Hel 
(Davidson 1964:26-28). Ull, the Norse god of hunting and son of Thor, used a bow of yew. 

There is no other explanation for this wood at Grundskatan except that it had been introduced 
at the time of the burial. It could conceivably even have been part of the burial rites. In any case, this 
is an astounding find that adds yet another dimension to the narrative of the bear burial at this site 
and potential ties to pre-Christian Norse beliefs. Interestingly enough, a Norse cult site, including 
bear skulls/bones, was found on Froson in lamtland showing the proximity of these parallel worlds 
in northern Sweden (Iregren 1999). 

Conclusions 

The bear burial at Grundskatan was situated in a coastal hunting, herding and trading environment 
where the role of the hunter and the prey, the herder and his/her animals, the boundaries between 



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183 



land and water, and between life and death, were manifest. Bjorklund (1985) has suggested that 
bear burials also marked the spiritual boundaries between the Saami and the Norse at Kvaenangen 
in coastal Norway. This concept is reiterated by Bergman and Ostlund et al. (2008:1), who regard 
Saami sacrificial sites as "ethnic and religious demarcations in times of conflict between Swedish 
society and the Saami." Saami and pre-Christian Germanic societies were, nevertheless, probably 
closer than previously acknowledged, a fact already evidenced by the combinations of cremation 
burials and Saami offer practices at Krankmartenhogen and Smalnaset in interior South Lapland, 
and the metal offer sites. This syncretism can even be seen through the Christian belief in resur- 
rection and the reassembling of bear bones in bear burials. The bear, however, was a personifica- 
tion of Saami identity that transcended these dualisms. It was the ultimate symbol in a world of 
increasingly complex and competing cultural, spiritual and economic transactions. The bear burial 
at Grundskatan could very well have been the most powerful way for the Saami to assert their iden- 
tity and territory, perhaps through intercession in a shaman's dwelling. 

It has been suggested that bear rites were more frequent during times of stress (Myrstad 
1996:75-77; Norberg 2000). Although not a necessary part of the bear rites, involvement by a no- 
aidi, whose primary function was to deal with crises - hunger, disease, isolation and anxiety about 
the future (Backman and Hultkrantz 1978:42) - may have been called for, and this could very well 
be the reason for taking the unusual step of burying the bear in a dwelling at Grundskatan (and 
at Onbacken). The bears were buried there for reasons we can only guess at, but these burials are 
certainly among the most important evidence for considering this coastal territory as part of ancient 
Sapmi. The overall chronological and cultural context of the Grundskatan hut and its contemporary 
circular sacrificial feature, tell us further that this was a Saami dwelling and settlement. 

Circular Sacrificial Features 

Circular sacrificial features have been documented in use in North Norway and there is little doubt 
about their functions: they were used for offerings of meat, blood, entrails and fish. Some sites were 
still in use in the 1700s and were also being torn down through local initiatives (Olsen [1715] 1934; 
Qvigstad 1926; Vikberg 1931:88; Vorren 1985, 1987; Vorren and Eriksen 1993; Stenvik 1988). They 
have been documented in both the interior and coastlands of northern Sweden (Manker 1957; Hug- 
gert 2000; Wennstedt 1989; Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001). This chapter is largely based on 
a detailed presentation and analysis of this material published by Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 
(2006). Special attention is given to features documented on Bjuron (Lappsandberget, Jungfru- 
graven, Grundskatan) and Stora Fjaderagg Island. These locales are fully described in the Chapter 5. 

Circular sacrificial features consist of stone rings or enclosures. Both single rows of loosely 
placed stones and solidly constructed circular walls have been documented. There is often a cairn 
in the center of the enclosures. Most were built on cobble or gravel beaches or on bedrock (Vorren 
and Eriksen 1993:197). Most of them consist of single rows of stones, but sometimes there are up to 
12 rings (Vorren and Eriksen 1993; Wennstedt Edvinger 1989:28). Enclosure walls can stand over a 
meter in height, but smaller features are much more common. Diameters vary from less than i.o m 
up to 17.5 m. They are often round in form, but can also be oval or horseshoe shaped. There are also 
examples of square, rectangular and pentagonal features (Manker 1957:204; Vorren and Eriksen 
1993:150, 159 ff ). The primary function of the circles was to enclose a sacrificial idol and these idols 
often occurred in groups (Regnard [1681] 1946:88 ff ; Rheen [1671] 1983:37 ff). Walls were used to 



184 



CHAPTER 8 



Figure i8j. Map of circular sacrificial sites in Sweden and Noiivay (Wennstedt Edvinger and Broadbent 2006) and inset of 
Norwegian features (from Vorren Eriksen jggjj. 

protect offerings or sacrifices of animals. The written accoimts confirm that it was important that 
dogs or other scavengers did not get at the bones or antlers. If this happened, the dogs were killed 
(Thurenius 1724:392). There are also references to antler enclosures, brush and wooden construc- 
tions (Schefferus 1673; Manker 1957:26). 

An idol could be of wood or stone and these objects (seites) often resembled humans or ani- 
mals, but preferably birds. There are many references to transformations of people into animals, 
fish, birds or stones (Qvigstad 1926:321). Powerful beings could themselves choose the form they 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



185 



wished to take. Wooden idols most often consisted of birch trees, which were sometimes turned up- 
side down so the root formed a head depending on which god was represented (Hogstrom 1747:180). 
Idols could be placed directly in or on the ground or small piles of stones or cairns used to support 
them. According to the written sources, blood, fat, internal organs, as well as bone and antlers were 
offered. Most organic traces quickly disappeared, however, and can only be identified today through 
soil chemistry. Arrowheads or other objects were not offered at these sites, but a metal ring was 
found at Mortensnes in Varanger (Vorren and Eriksen 1993:198 f ). There are also many references 
to a dorga surrounding an idol (Hogstrom 1747:193; Rheen [1671] 1897:42; Karlsson 1931:83; Mebius 
2003:150). To dorga was to cover the ground with brush in the same way one covers a hut floor. It 
is uncertain if special huts were built for the idols, as was done for the bear in the bear ceremony, 
but some features resemble the floor plans of Saami dwellings and it is conceivable that circular 
sacrificial features symbolized dwellings. 

It was earlier assumed that circular sacrificial features were primarily a North Norwegian 
phenomenon (Jacobsen and Folium 1997:107; Hansen and Olsen 2004:226), but these features 
had been constructed in the whole West Saami region (cf Dunfjeld-Aagard 2005). Altogether, the 
National Heritage Board has registered some 20 stone circles at 15 different sites in Swedish Lap- 
land. In addition to the sites presented here, we presently know of an additional 30 sites in northern 
Sweden, but these have not yet been verified in the field. It is very probable that these types of sites 
can also be found in Finland and northwest Russia. 

A number of Saami villages in central Scandinavia have initiated their own cultural- history 
documentation projects. One such project took place from 1998-2000 in four South Saami village 
territories on both sides of the Swedish-Norwegian border (Wennstedt Edvinger and Winka 2001). 
Within this region it had been assumed there were no Saami sacrificial sites, as the Saami were be- 
lieved to have recently migrated into the area well after Christianity had made inroads among them. 
The new project demonstrated that the lack of registered sacrificial sites was due to a lack of survey. 
Numerous and varied types of sites were recorded, two of which were stone circles (Wennstedt 
Edvinger and Winka 2001:40). But even before these discoveries, circular sacrificial sites had been 
recorded in the South Saami region. Two examples are known from Forolsjoen Lake on the border 
between Hedmark and Trondelag in Norway (Stenvik 1988). The archaeological investigation did 
not produce any artifacts, but a soil chemical analysis indicated phosphate enrichment. Another 
example of a circular sacrificial site is Altarringen [The Altar Ring] on Fulufjallet Mountain in 
Dalarna. The original feature was oval, 5 x 4 m in diameter and 0.5 m in height. It had an entrance 
facing west. It was common that Saami sacrificial sites were interpreted as altars by the major- 
ity population and have therefore often been given this name (cf Huggert 2000; Manker 1957). 
A coastal locale with three features with concentric rings is situated on a wave-washed moraine 
outcrop near the village of Gagsmark, Byske parish, in Vasterbotten (Figure 188). These features 
have two to three concentric circles: two ovals and one round, varying between 4.5 m and 7.0 m in 
diameter. There are also a number of irregular circular arrangements and two pits. 

In northern Norway graves have been found near these rings, and they are also associated 
with hearths and small piles of stones. The hearths can be remnants of ritual meals or burned of- 
ferings. Stone piles or cairns in association with the circles often contained offerings of bone, cloth, 
etc. Circular sacrificial sites are frequently situated on hilltops or on mountain ridges with wide 
views overlooking lakes or coastlines. Landforms were of great significance for the Saami, but the 



186 



CHAPTER 8 



circular sacrificial sites have no 
obvious connections to unusual 
geological formations. There is a 
connection, however, to specific 
resources. Vorren and Eriksen's 
studies in North Norway (1993) 
connect these sites to trapping 
systems, fishing lakes and sea- 
sonal camps. 

The most common reason 
for the disappearance of these rit- 
ual features in Lapland was their 
deliberate destruction by parish 
priests. The desecration of Saami 
sacred sites and the "drowning" 
of idols in lakes or bogs is well 
documented (Drake 1918:356; 
Viberg 1931:88; Manker 1957:151; 
Vorren and Eriksen 1993:201). 
Following the Reformation in the 1500s, there was a systematic campaign of forced Christianiza- 
tion. The Church used threats and force, carried out executions, collected and destroyed Saami 
drums and altars, desecrated sacred sites and even nailed shut the sacred boassjo doors of huts. 
Organized raids were carried out into the 1700s (Myrhaug 1997:96). 

Hornslandet and Yttre Bergon, Halsingland 

Ten circular features of interest in Rogsta parish in Halsingland are described in the National Reg- 
istry. Eight locales could be eliminated following our brief survey, but two features could be Saami 
sites, one on Yttre Bergon in the north of the parish, and one on the Hornslandet peninsula. The first 
site was registered as a grave (stone setting) in the 1982 Central Board survey. It was subsequently 
rebuilt and, judging by the original description, substantially altered. It is located near the top of a 
wave-washed moraine boulder field at about 15 m above sea level. It is quite similar to the largest 
walled feature on Stora Fjaderagg Island. A labyrinth lies only 70 m east of the circle. Bothnian laby- 
rinths were expressions of Christian hegemony in this region and were responses to the dangers of 
Saami heathenism and magic. They date to the Medieval Period and later, and can be considerably 
younger than the Saami features. This interpretation is discussed in more detail in Chapter 10. 

The second site in the region to be investigated was undisturbed. It is located in the south- 
western part of Hornslandet peninsula. The circle is situated on bedrock on the southeastern tip 
of a rock outcrop. It is almost round and 2.5 m in diameter (Figure 189). There is no central con- 
struction, but there is a thin soil layer with a very high organic content and a few cracked rocks. 
They are no traces of burning. This circular feature, like the previous find, lies at about 15 m above 
sea level. The hilltop location is typical of sacrificial sites, a rise facing the south toward the light. 
The closest archaeological features are grave cairns and stone settings about 270 m away at the 10 
m elevation. These graves can very well have been associated with the circular sacrificial site. The 




Figure 188. Photo of a circular feature at Gagsmark in Byske parish. Vdsterhotten. 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



187 



closest settlement, a site with hut floors 
{tomtningar), is 4.5 km away. Only a cen- 
tury ago a Saami family is known to have 
come to Hornslandet to fish every sum- 
mer. The family lived in a timber kdta at 
Lappmon near Hornslandsudde (Wennst- 
edt Edvinger and Ulfhielm 2004:18). 

Lappsandberget, Vasterbotten 

A circular stone setting was found at 
20-25 ni above sea level on a level bedrock 
area just below the highest point on this 
hill. The stone circle measures 2.70 x 2.70 
m. It overlooks the sea toward to southeast 
(Chapter 5, Site 144, Figures 63-64). Dark 
brown and thick soil deposits were found 
in patches within the circle and must rep- 
resent some kind of organic enrichment. 
Phosphorus samples support this conclu- 
sion as the values were higher within the 
circle than anywhere else surrounding 
it. Nitrogen levels were also high within 
the circle. Charcoal, by contrast, was not 
found in any of the samples. Three lichens 
of Rhizocarpon geographicum measuring 
80-110 mm in diameter were growing on 

two stones in the circle and on a disturbed stone within the circle. These lichens date to A.D. 1480- 
1583. An angular pit in the center of the circle indicates plundering using a metal shovel. There is no 
evidence, such as burned bone, that this circle was a grave and there is nothing to indicate it was a 
signal pyre. It does overlook the lungfruhamn basin and sites, as well as two grave cairns near the 
shore between the settlements. The place-name "Lapp Sand Mountain" suggests a Saami context, 
as does oral-historical accounts of Saami living on Bjuron (Wennstedt 1988). 




Figure i8g. Circular sacrificial feature, Site 133, Rogsta Parish, 
Hahingland. 



Jungfrugraven, Vasterbotten 

One rather mysterious feature of much greater size, the so-called Jungfrugraven or "Virgin's grave," 
is situated on the north side of lungfruhamn inlet and just above the 10 m elevation (Chapter 5, Site 
79, Figures 51, 52). The site is described locally as having been the burial place of a shipwrecked 
man and a woman with long hair (Hallstrom 1942:128-249). A stone with an engraved cross was 
erected in the middle of the cairn. Lichen growth on the cairn stones show that the cairn had been 
disturbed before 1827, and that the cross dates to ca. 1910-1917. lungfrugraven is made up of boul- 
der-sized stones set in an irregular oval with one straight and one curved side. A horseshoe-shaped 
(plundered) cairn, measuring 7x8m today, lies nearest the northwest opening. A smaller en- 
tranceway faces toward the south. Lichens on the surrounding wall suggest a minimum age of A.D. 



188 



CHAPTER 8 



1480-1605, but the shoreline level dates to the Viking Period. The first association that comes to 
mind for the site is a chapel enclosure of some kind. The large cairn is incongruous in this context, 
however, and this is most likely the background to the story of a drowned girl and sailor having been 
buried there. The name of Bjuroklubb could have originally been Jungfrun (The Virgin) and related 
to the dangers and taboos associated with the place that go much farther back in time (Wennstedt 
1988). The site predictably became "the virgin's grave." In view of the other archaeological evidence 
for this coastal area, including radiocarbon-dated huts and the sacrificial circle on nearby Lappsand- 
berget, Jungfrugraven was probably originally a Saami site, lungfrugraven is a larger version of the 
Saami sacrificial sites of Biekkanoi've and Syletevikmoan in North Norway (Vorren and Eriksen 
1993:63, 170). They measure over 7 m in width and both have large central cairns. 

Stora Fjaderagg, Vasterbotten 

A reexamination of a cluster of features above the 7 m elevation (Chapter 5, Site 33), classified in the 
archaeological survey as "ten tent rings," revealed a complex of varied constructions, one of which 
is a I m high circular enclosure with an embedded stone with an odd eye-like depression and holes. 
This strange rock could be a sacred stone (a seite), but these are not known to have been incorporated 
into walls. The cobble wall is characteristic, however, and could have been intended to protect the 
sacrificial contents of the circle and support a roof or covering of some kind. The surroundings 
have other constructions including circles, depressions, short walls and cairns. These are cache-like 
and tent-like, and some meters to the south are the remnants of a labyrinth. The lowest elevation 
of these features suggests a date of ca. A.D. 1200. The oral history and ethnology of these islands 
refers to these islanders as Lapps, and local informants still believe this interpretation to be correct 
(oral communication in 2005). 

Grundskatan, Vasterbotten 

The circular sacrificial feature at Grundskatan measures 3x6m and has a 30 cm high wall (equal 
to that of dwellings). It is oval in shape and has an 80 cm wide central cairn. A single entrance 
faces southwest (Chapter 5, Feature 16, Figure 95). It is situated only 10 m to the north of Huts 3 
and 4 (with the bear burial), both of which date to the Iron Age. In 2007, a crustose lichen {Rhizo- 
carpon geographicum) measuring 220 mm in diameter was observed growing on the inside wall of 
the sacrificial circle, thus providing an unparalleled opportunity to obtain an age for the feature. 
On the basis of lichen growth curves specifically developed for Bjuroklubb and Grundskatan, this 
specimen is calculated as being 916 years old and dates to A.D. io34±3i (with B.P. = 1950). The 
linear regression equation used to determine this date is: Y (age) = 153 -1- 3.47 x (max. diameter in 
mm). This lichen date is almost identical to the radiocarbon and AMS dates for the bear burial and 
Hut 4 hearth. 

Overall Chronology 

As is the case of most stone constructions, circular features are difficult to date. Stenvik (1988) ob- 
tained a radiocarbon date from a circle that calibrated to A.D. cal. 680-1030. Vorren (1985) obtained 
dates between A.D. 1425 and 1665, and Huggert (2000) dated the Altarberget site near Lycksele to 
the seventeenth century. Elevations above sea level provide maximum possible dates on the Both- 
nian shores and rock weathering and lichenometry provide new opportunities for determining the 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



189 



minimum ages of these stone constructions. The Lappsandberget site near Bjuroklubb lies at the 25 
m elevation. But this was a mountaintop locale and was chosen for its view of the sea. The nearby 
lungfrugraven enclosure, by contrast, lies just above the 10 m elevation, which dates to the Viking Pe- 
riod. Radiocarbon-dated huts on the same shore support this chronological association. The lichens 
growing on the walls provide a minimum age of A.D. 1532-1604. The ritual circle complex on Stora 
Fjaderagg Island lies above the 7 m shore level, dating to A.D. 1200. Artifacts from the island also 
date to the Iron Age and Early Medieval Period. In the most general terms, Jungfrugraven dates to 
between A.D. 1000 and 1604; Lappsandberget dates from A.D. 1000 to 1583, and Grundskatan to the 
early eleventh century. The circles on Stora Fjaderagg Island probably date to A.D. 1200 or later. The 
elevations of these sites, the lichenometric dating at Grundskatan and their respective associations 
with radiocarbon-dated dwellings makes it highly probable that all these features originated in the 
Late Iron Age, but these places were known about and used for offerings until the 1600s. 

Social Context 

The circular sacrificial features on Bjuron have three find contexts: i) a settlement, 2) a hilltop and 
3) a shoreline (Figure 190). These localities thus correspond to the three levels of Saami societal 
and ritual engagement, the family, the sijdda, and multiple sijddas in the region. The proximity of 
the Grundskatan feature to the dwelling area and its small size suggests that it was associated with 
daily sacrificial practices at the settlement, as described by Rydving: 



LOCATIONS & FORMS 




Figure 390. Circular features in context. These are associated with a settlement, a hilltop, and a 
point on Bjuron. They can reflect ritual settings of the family, the hand f sijdda), and multiple 
hands from the region. 



190 



CHAPTER 8 



At every place where the goahte was pitched, a bench (luovve) used for sacrifices was erected, and 
in every fireplace (drran ) offerings offood and drink were made to the divinities that were believed 
to rule over the different parts oj the goahte. (iggy.ioo) 

These platforms were mostly temporary constructions and very few have been preserved 
(Bergman and Ostlund et al. 2008). These wooden types may have been more common in the forest 
regions, whereas stone constructions, including cairns, have been better preserved on the coasts, for 
example in North Norway and the White Sea Island region of Russia (Olsen 2002). Lappsandberget 
could be the offer site of a sijdda, and there are three settlements nearby: Sites 70, 138 and 139. The 
larger lungfrvigraven site could represent the interests of a number of sijdda groups in the region. 
Like the complex of circles at Stora Fjaderagg, the focus was on the sea and all that it represented to 
these hunters of marine mammals. 

Summary 

The circular features at numerous locales along the Bothnian coast have been interpreted as sac- 
rificial/offer sites used by coastal Saami. By both morphology and location in the landscape, these 
features are close parallels to Saami ritual sites in the mountain, forest and tundra regions of the 
Nordic North. Offerings of fish, seal flesh and bones, blubber, intestines, etc. were undoubtedly 
made. Soil chemistry has provided some evidence that this was the case. Circular sacrificial/offer 
sites reflect a pre-Christian tradition. Bergman and Ostlund et al. (2008) have related wooden altars 
and idols to Saami social organization and landscape demarcations, and there is every reason to 
believe that the stone circles functioned in the same ways on the coasts. Bergman and Ostlund et 
al., (2008) also argue that they were erected in times of conflict. Hansen and Olsen (2004: 222-233) 
and Fossum (2006) have similarly proposed that the circular features were a response to stress dur- 
ing the period A.D. 1200-1600. As noted earlier, bear burials have been seen in the same light. 
While this might be true to some extent, these practices clearly did not originate in the 1200s. A 
circular sacrificial feature has now been directly associated with a bear burial at Grundskatan, 
and bear burials have been found in stone circles, for example at Hanno-oaiVi, Karlebotn, Norway 
(Myrstad 1996:29, 46). The circles could represent the Saami dwelling and thereby the Saami cos- 
mos itself concepts that have existed as long as people have lived in the North. 

The land was conceived of a living entity by northern peoples, endowed with meaning 
through their narratives, myths, cosmologies and genealogies. Sacred places can embody these 
meanings with or without cultural remains and are frequently related to prominent natural features 
such as mountains, rivers, islands, strange formations, rocks and trees. The bear burial and the 
circular sacrificial features have given us a rare glimpse of this world. The ecology of place-naming 
is founded on the same spiritual and human-environmental belief systems, and these sources offer 
us yet another pathway to understanding where these people lived. 



RITUALS AND RELIGION 



191 





Lappkatamyren 



Figure 391. Late Iron Age coastline (10 m ) and place-names referred to in the text. The frequency of Lapp 
place-names, archaeological features pre-dating Scandinavian colonization and long-term settlement 
continuity indicate that this region had once supported a Saami population. These people were assimilated as 
well as driven inland in the late thirteenth century. 



Place-Names and Church Towns 



Places are constellations of past activities, connected by paths and marked by physical features; 
the landscape as a whole furnishes the basis for social identity, including a point oj origin and a 
specific destiny. The landscape is an enduring monument inscribed with the lives of all who have 
lived there. (Ingold 2000:^4) 

The aboriginal, ethnographic or cultural landscape concept embodies traditional knowledge of 
spirits, places, land uses and ecology (Buggey 2004). When oral history, folklore or ethnographic 
data are available, the meanings and memories of these human-landscape relationships can be 
pursued directly (Krupnik et al. 2004). Depending on the character of the physical evidence, hu- 
man-ecological, cultural and spiritual relationships can also be inferred from archaeological sites, 
place-names and even terrain. 

Place-Names 

The study of Saami linguistics and place-names, like Saami ethnology and archaeology, has con- 
centrated on the landscapes of the mountains and interior forests of northern Sweden where Saami 
languages are still spoken. Areas outside of this region constitute an untapped store of Saami place- 
names and derivatives. The language area in this study is called the Southern Saami region and 
includes languages spoken by the Forest Saami of Pite Lapland, the Saami in southern Arjeplog, 
and by all the Saami in the counties of Vasterbotten and Jamtland (CoUinder 1953:59; Hasselbrink 
1981, 1983). Southern Saami languages, which include Ume Saami and Pite Saami, are almost 
extinct today and are of great interest to this study because of their unique characteristics and their 
association with the Forest Saami people who once practiced a mixed hunting, fishing and herding 
economy. It is very likely that the South-, Pite- and Ume-language areas had all once extended down 
to the Bothnian coast (Figure 9). The river valleys and eskers transected the mountains, forests and 
coastal plains and connected these people in an east-west highway of information and social rela- 
tions. Judging by the archaeological material, these were continuous from the Stone Age. 

Swedish historian Birger Steckzen (1964) argued for a Saami presence in coastal Norrland 
based on place-names. According to him the name rebben, and the archaeological site at Stor-Rebben 
Island in Norrbotten, probably derives from the Saami words ruebpe or riebpe, which means a stony 
overgrown hill with brushy vegetation (Steckzen 1964:232). Numerous other names in the Norrbot- 
ten coastal region are presumably also of Saami origin. The suffix skatan, for instance, refers to a 



193 



narrow point and is of Nordic or- 
igin, but the Saami terms skaite 
and skaido could also be behind 
its use (Steckzen 1964:231). 
Steckzen (1964:234) noted seven 
locales with this name between 
the Ume and Aby rivers, and 82 
locales from there up to the Lule 
River. The important archaeo- 
logical site at Grundskatan has 
this suffix, but is not otherwise 
associated with a Saami name. 
Avan is also probably of Nordic 
origin but could have been bor- 
rowed by the Saami and can 
relate to their words aappa and 
aavikko (Steckzen 1964:230). 
It goes without saying that 
many of these names could be 
of much greater antiquity than 
their Scandinavian derivatives. 
Although some of Steckzen's 
interpretations may be specula- 
tive, he identified the existence 

of a non-Nordic place-named Figure igi. Map of some Saami place-names and characteristic Lapp place-names 
landscape in the COastland that Skelletftea and Umed in coastal Vdsterbotten. 

needs more study by both lin- 
guists and archaeologists. 

Two of the most significant names in Vasterbotten that are considered by Nordic linguists 
as being of Saami origin are the two largest river names, the Ume and Skellefte (Svensk Etymologisk 
Ordbok 1948: 931, 1276). The Skellefte River runs from Arjeplog in the mountain foothills through 
Lapland and down to the northern coast of Vasterbotten. Its upper course is named Seldutiedno and 
its lower course is named Syoldateiednuo in Ume Saami. The suffix -iedno, -iednuo means "river." 
Ume can derive from the Ume Saami name Ubmejeiednu, meaning "large roaring river" (Wahlberg 
2003:277, 337; Svensk Etymologisk Ordbok 1948:931, izyG). This is the largest river in the region and 
it joins with the Vindel River about 50 km upstream before flowing into the Bay of Bothnia. Even 
other major river names such as the Lule and Pite Rivers are also probably of Saami origin. The "a" 
at the end of these Saami names refers to Swedish settlements and towns that were founded near 
the river estuaries where there was also the most arable land (Fries 1970). With state formation and 
the taxation of salmon, these rivers and their harbors became the regional hubs of Crown adminis- 
tration and commerce. Umea and Skelleftea are still the largest cities in the county. 

Another name that is probably of Saami origin is Kdddis. This place is located about 10 km up- 
stream from Umea on the north side of the Ume River. The high elevation (40 m above sea level) finds 




194 



CHAPTER 9 



of Stone Age settlements and the 
aforementioned characteristic 
stone tools (a bifacial projectile, 
a slate point, a grooved stone 
club) indicate that the area was 
first settled in the Late Neolithic, 
ca. 1800 B.C. (Broadbent 1984). 
The Nordic linguist Holm (1973) 
interpreted the place-name Kad- 
dis as non-Nordic in origin and 
as deriving from kadde, meaning 
"shore or beach" in Saami. He 
suggested this site on the Ume 
River had been a Saami fish- 
ing place of some antiquity. In 
Ume Saami, gdddie means shore 
(Wahlberg 2003:180). The name 
kodde also means "wild reindeer" 
(Collinder 1964). Gunnar Pel- 
lijeff (1982) prefers to associate 
the name with that of medieval 
settlements, and to the Finn- 
ish word kodis, which means 
"farmyard." 

From the archaeological 
perspective and the Ume River 
location, a Saami origin seems 
most convincing. The archaeo- 
logical contexts of many north- 
ern sites are often unknown to 
linguists whose frame of refer- 
ence is that of historic maps and 
written sources. Kaddis is lo- 
cated downstream from the waterfall and rapids of Stornorrfors, where there are more prehistoric 
settlement remains and rock art. This is one of the richest salmon fishing places on the Ume River, 
so much so that Uppsala Cathedral claimed ownership of it in 1316. Continuity in place-naming was 
undoubtedly founded on the same principles as hunting and fishing itself, the richness, reliability, 
access to natural resources and the physical appearances of these places (Figure 192). 

The same principles of shore-level association used for sites can be applied to the Nordic 
names Lovanger, Krakanger and Hertsanger, which are found in Lovanger parish. These names 
derive from the Nordic word angr, which means "fjord" or "narrow inlet" (Holm 1949, 1991). The 
name is common in West Norway where it dates to the period A.D. 500-800. While the name angr 
can theoretically date to as early as A.D. 500, the elevation for the shoreline below the settlement 




Figure 293. Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" in Upper Norrland. 
Tlie major river names Ume, Skellefte, Pite and Lule are all Saami names. 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



195 



and church village at Lovanger aligns with the lo m elevation, which dates to A.D. 950. Lovanger 
parish (Lavanger) was first established under the Archbishop in Uppsala, Jakob Ulfsson, in 1340. 
The inlet leading up to this trading site is named avan. Holm (1949:92) believes that the angr name 
was the original name of the inlet Avafjarden. Hertsanger and Krakanger can be associated with the 
15 m levels and the period A.D. 500, but do not conform as well to the angr topography as Lovanger. 
These names refer to coastal waterways, not settlements, and are probably connected to the heyday 
of the Germanic fur trade that was based in the Mid-Nordic region. Even names like Tarv, Taftea, 
Obbola and Hiske have this maritime connection (Rathje 2001:177-182). 

Lovanger is paralleled by archaeological sites at Broange and Mangbyn, located 3 km up- 
stream (Broadbent and Rathje 2001). The oldest reference to a church in the area is from nearby 
Kyrksjon (church lake) and could date to the thirteenth century. But the angr names and the archae- 
ological data show that trading had been underway before then. This makes perfect sense as trade 
was of interest to both the Saami 

and Germanic groups, who could - 
have met there a thousand or more jable 56. Low-lying Lapp place-names in Lovanger 
years ago, and hundreds of years parisli. 
before the area became settled by 

„ , r SITE ELEVATION DATE 
Swedish farmers. 

There are, as noted by Holm Lappkatatjarnen (Storon) 8-10 m A.D. 950-1150 

and others, no Nordic Iron Age set- Lappkatatjarnen (V.Uttersjon) 10-15 m A.D. 600-950 
tlement names in this region, but Lappvik 8-10 m A.D. 950-1150 

there are many landscape and land- 
use associations with Lapp names. 

Lappkdtamyren (Lapp Hut Bog), for example, is near Broange and Mangbyn. The small mountain 
named Lappsandberget (Lapp Sand Mountain) on Bjuron Island has a Saami circular sacrificial 
feature just below its highest point. A second mountain in the parish, near Blacke on the former 
fjord Hogfjarden, is named Lappmyrberget (Lapp Bog Mountain) (Holm 1949:143-145). Adjacent to 
it is Lappmyren (Lapp Bog). The ritual significance of islands and mountains is well attested in the 
literature on the Saami (cf Manker 1957). Lappkatatjarn (Lapp Hut Lake) is near Vastra Uttersjon. 
A second place with the same name Lappkatatjarnen (Lapp Hut Lake) is situated on Storon Island 
at 8 to 10 m above sea level, which would date to A.D. 950-1150. This site is one of the lowest-lying 
Lapp place-names in Lovanger and coincides with the radiocarbon date from Broange (Figure 194). 

Ulf Lundstrom of Skelleftea Museum has documented the cultural and place-name associa- 
tions of eskers in Skelleftea Municipality (Lundstrom n.d.). Eskers are sinuous ridges of glacial 
drift that had formed from river tunnels in glaciers. There are many smaller and several larger 
eskers in Vasterbotten and some that extend for up to 100 km in a southeast to northwest direc- 
tion. They not only lead down to the coasts, but they continue into the Gulf of Bothnia and form 
offshore islands. These islands were major seal hunting sites and extensions of the land-based 
hunting systems. The eskers form natural dry-land highways for both humans and animals. The 
Bure esker (Buredsen) runs from Uttersjon in Lovanger parish to the Skellefte River and from there 
proceeds toward Lapland. The important archaeological sites of Harrsjobacken, Nedre Back, Fahl- 
mark and Lundfors are found along this natural line. It meets up with an even longer esker that 
runs through Burtrask. It starts in Anaset near the coast and continues by Hertsanger, Vebomark, 



196 



CHAPTER 9 



Lappvattnet and up to where the Mala wa- 
terway meets the Skellefte River. Burvik 
Bay was the richest fishing bay on this 
northern coast and many people were at- 
tracted to the area, including the Saami. 
A Franciscan monastery (Bure kloster) was 
established there in the fifteenth century 
for the express purpose of Christianizing 
them. One archaeological complex near 
Burea that relates directly to the seal hunt- 
ing sites of Lovanger is Harrsjobacken and 
Hamptjarn. Iron slag was found in a forg- 
ing pit, and an oval cooking pit at the set- 
tlement was radiocarbon-dated to i845±7o 
B.P. (A.D.79-245) (Sundqvist et al. 1992). 
Seal oil was identified in one pit, and what 
is even more revealing than the iron work- 
ing and sealing at these sites is that textile- 
impressed and asbestos-tempered ceramics 
were found there. This early form of asbes- 
tos ceramics is considered to be one of the 
most distinctive traits of Saami culture. 

The Bure esker was an important mi- 
gration route for reindeer and the location 
of the Fahlmark hunting site, with numer- 
ous bifacial arrowheads, makes sense in 
this context. A Saami place-name is like- 
wise found near Fahlmark, Koppisbacken, which derives from the Saami word gdbba, meaning "a 
small hill." There are a number of other place-names and references to Saami sites along the Bure 
and Burtrask esker routes including heditje [Petikan]; leaggie [Eggliden], which means "mire"; jaldda 
[Gilta], which means "an even rolling landscape"; gdbba [Kopisbacken]; and three other names of 
probable Saami origin: Iltoberget, Situtrdsk and Kinnilia (Lundstrom n.d.). This landscape of Saami 
names, encompassing both sacred and profane features, offers numerous archaeological opportuni- 
ties for investigating Saami land uses in the coastal zone. 

The Geography of "Lapp" Place-Names 

It is possible to gain an overview of the locations and associations of "Lapp" place-names in Vaster- 
botten using the National Land Survey place-name database. These place-names were broken down 
into two major categories: settlements and natural landscape features. These are shown by munici- 
pality in Table 57. The overwhelming majority of these names are found in Skelleftea Municipality, 
which includes Lovanger parish, with some 6 settlement names and 125 environmental names. 
Altogether, there are 390 of these place-names in the county, which is by far the greatest concentra- 
tion in the whole country. This is an astonishing number of places ascribed to the Saami. While 




rn Southern quarter °^^^c3^" 
■ Middle quarter church tower 

S Northern quarter 3Q ,^ 

Upper quarter 

Figure ic)^. Map of Lovanger church town from ig]6 ( Based on 
Bergling ig6/^:g^j. A distinctive beach ridge can still he seen just below 
town at the 10 m elevation. This elevation dates to ca. A.D. 950. 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



197 



Table. 57. Lapp place-names in Vasterbotten County. 



MUNICIPALITY 


SETTLEMENTS 


NATURAL 
FEATURES 


TOTALS 


PERCENTAGES 


Ril irhnlm 

LJjUl 1 lUM 1 1 


n 




3Q 


1 n 


L-'U 1 U LCcJ 


n 






1 ^ 

1 . u 




1 

J. 






o . u 


Mala 









1 ^ 


NnrHm;^lin0 

1 ^Ul Ul 1 ICJIII Ig 





n 


n 


n 


Rnhprtcifni'c; 


1 


1 Q 






Ql<pl|pftppi 


u 


1 p^s 






Sorsele 





7 


7 


1.8 


Storuman 


1 


10 


11 


2.8 


Umea 





32 


32 


8.0 


Vilhelmina 


1 


14 


13 


3.8 


Vindein 


1 


77 


28 


20.0 


Vannas 





13 


13 


3.3 


Asele 














Total 


11 


379 


390 


100 



Table 58. Place-name associations by county (%). 

NORRBOTTEN VASTERBOTTEN VASTERNORRLAND GAVLEBORG JAMTLAND DALARNA 



Group 1 (water). 


28 


28 


13 


23 


31 


18 


Group 2 (land). 


33 


33 


47 


38 


44 


53 


Group 3 (bogs). 


22 


28 


34 


38 


17 


26 


Group 4 (other). 


17 


7 


6 


7 


8 


3 



there are ii settlement names in the county, 28 of the environmental names in Skelleftea include 
the word kata, which is the Swedish version of the Saami name goahte, for "hut" or "dwelling." The 
most common of these names is Lappkdtamyren (Lapp Hut Bog) with eight examples, followed by 
Lappkataklcippen (Lapp Hut Knoll) with six examples. The names often cluster, for example Lapp- 
myren and Lappmyrberget near Blackehamn in Lovanger parish. 

In order to see how these Lapp-prefixed names were associated with landscape features, they 
were further divided into four categories: i) references to water - streams, rapids, waterfalls, lakes, 
bays and beaches; 2) references to land - mountains, hills, points or peninsulas, islands, cliffs and 
caves; 3) references to meadows, mires, bogs or pastures and 4) other, such as brush. Of the first 
group, the most prevalent names are for streams and lakes (17 places). Of the second group, the 
most common names are for mountains (9 places) and hills (20 places). Of the third group, mead- 
ows number 17 places, and mires 10 places. The last group has four place-names referring to brush 



198 



CHAPTER 9 



(sly). This breakdown has roughly equal proportions of land, water, meadows and mires and thus 
a relationship to the whole landscape, not just historically known settlements or nomadic herding 
routes. The presence of so many Swedish place-names referring to Lapps implies that the Saami 
and Scandinavians had been in direct contact for a considerable period of time. If this region had 
been solely occupied by Swedish speakers, there should be no Saami names or references to Lapps 
at all. Instead, the maps are awash in them. 

There are obviously different chronological horizons embodied in this material and many of 
the place-names can be relatively recent and connected with nomadic herding. But the numbers 
of places referring to reindeer corrals (rengardar) are evidence of intensive (settled) reindeer hus- 
bandry. The archaeological finds of reindeer and sheep/goat and cattle bones dating to the Iron Age, 
together with pollen-analytical evidence of grazing, show that these activities pre-dated the Swedish 
settlers and nomadic reindeer herders in the region by centuries. 

These north Swedish coastal place-names can be compared with a place-name analysis in 
Utsjoki Finland, where Saami is still spoken and there is continuity of Saami settlement (Rankama 
1993). Saami place-names generally consist of two parts, a root such as a topographic feature 
(mountains, mires, etc.) and a determinative that can describe this feature, make reference to 
man-made structures - such as a hut (goahti) or corral (gdrdi) - or refer to a personal name, re- 
sources, vegetation or ground-cover (Rankama 1993:55-56). These place-names tend to cluster and 
can overlap in various ways. Some are nested, which is a convenient way for indicating proximity, 
while others can be linear and form chains of descriptions along rivers and eskers. Associations 
with prominent landmarks, such as mountains and waterways, were also the basis of way-finding. 
Technically, the ethnonym Lapp is just an additional determinative, but one that also connects 
physical geography to landscape knowledge. In other words, in coastal Vasterbotten we have a 
Saami landscape that follows Saami place-naming practices and way-finding, but somehow trans- 
lated into Swedish. The logical source of this knowledge would have had to be people who were 
familiar with the landscape and, above all, had an interest in attaching Saami/ Lapp identities to 
these places. If the settlers were not solely responsible for this, another explanation is that they 
were identified by the Saami themselves, possibly by people who were becoming or had already 
become Swedish speakers. 

There are a number of indications that some Saami had settled down and had accepted title 
to the land by converting to Christianity. The first three settlers of Holmon Island are just such a 
group (Sandstrom 1988). King Magnus Eriksson's government offered free land in northern Vaster- 
botten, without taxes until 1323, to "all who believed in Christ or will convert to Christianity" (Huss 
1942:356). mtDNA evidence from the Christian cemetery at Bjorned in Angermanland indicates 
that conversions had already taken place (Goterstrom 2001). Obviously many women could have 
simply intermarried and brought their landscape knowledge with them. The Scandinavian settlers 
soon became the majority population, however, and language replacement was surely rapid, with 
the blessing of the Swedish state and church authorities. 

Lapp Place-Names in Sweden 

Seen on a larger scale, the Lapp place-name distributions in Sweden concentrate along the whole 
Bothnian coast down to the Malar Valley (Malardalen) in Uppsala County. They are even found 
scattered in southern Sweden (Figure 195). The trend in pure numbers shows an increase from 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



199 




south to north (Uppsala to Norrbotten), which prob- 
ably reflects the relative presence of Saami in the 
coastland and the renaming process associated 
with colonization or later contacts (cf. Zachrisson 
I997a:i85-i88). 

A number of these place-names contain the 
determinative nouns kata, koja and stuga (Saami 
hut, hut and cottage). In addition, there are refer- 
ences to garde (corrals). In Norrbotten, there are 26 
sites with the name kata and nine with the nouns 
torp, stuga and bod (croft, cottage and shed). Fifty- 
eight percent of them are in the coastal parishes. 
In Vasterbotten, there are 39 Lapp place-names that 
refer to a kata, seven with a hus (house) and two with 
a garde. In Vasternorrland there are only four sites 
with references to a kata, but 24 with a koja, two 
with a stuga (cabin) and six with a kdlla (spring). In 
lamtland, there are two kata place-names, seventeen 
with a koja and one with a torp. 



Figure 395. Distribution of 3,147 Lapp place-names in 
Sweden. 




Figure 396. Numbers of place-names with the prefix "Lapp" by 
county, north to south. 



Comparisons by county from south to north show varying percentages with regard to water, 
land and mires. The two northernmost counties show identical percentages with reference to land 
and water, although there are more references to mires in Vasterbotten than Norrbotten. As com- 
pared to Vasternorrland there are far fewer places with references to water. The same is true of 
Gavleborg County. The counties of lamtland and Dalarna have more references to land than water 
and fewer references to mires and bogs. 



200 



CHAPTER 9 



Conclusions about Place-Names 

Linguistically, there are two trends marked by the effects of colonization in Vasterbotten. The 
first is the relative lack of place-names in the Saami language. This is due in large part to a lack 
of research, as shown by the work by Steckzen (1964) and Lundstrom (n.d.). But there are names, 
and they are very old. These names refer to mountains, rivers and, in one case, a shore. They are 
landscape names, not anecdotal personal names. 

The Saami inevitably had to choose between settled lives on the coast as Christianized non- 
Saami, or leaving. There is, not unexpectedly, little evidence of coastal Saami names in the cameral 
records from the 1500s. Northern farmsteads are nevertheless often located on old Saami sites, 
made especially attractive by the richness of the soils due to fertilization through animal husbandry 
and the by-products of hunting and fishing. There is thus even a close physical association between 
these older sites and "Swedish" farmsteads. Perhaps a majority of them are not Swedish at all, but 
shadows of an almost forgotten past. 

The river valleys and the eskers still functioned as Saami roadways, but as was the case in many 
regions, the rich fishing waters and arable terraces along the rivers drew Swedish and Finnish set- 
tlers inland and increased competition there as well. These conflicts were a major motivation for what 
became the Agricultural Limit in 1865. This border, designed to keep the settlers and Saami from 
interfering with each other, was an effort by the Swedish state to protect these Saami from extinction. 

Rankama (1993:62) commented on the potential archaeological value of the place-names 
she had documented in northern Finland. These names have much to tell us about the environ- 
ment of shared landscapes and the processes of cultural integration throughout northern Sweden. 
I have only scratched the surface of the place-name evidence, but the results give a good sketch of 
an ancient Saami landscape in the coastal region that complements the archaeological evidence we 
have thus far. 

A Model for Coastal Settlement in Lovanger 

A reconstruction of the 10 m shoreline in Lovanger provides a picture of the coastal landscape that 
was contemporary with the main period of the Iron Age sealers. Place-names of likely antiquity add 
to this picture, and historical tax records provide a framework for envisioning how this local region 
could have been organized (Figure 191). This model offers a means for re-creating the "missing" 
parts of a regional settlement system that would have supported the sealers (cf Broadbent 1991). 
There are few settlement remains preserved in this region except for those built of stone on the 
outermost coast. It is not known what their other dwellings looked like although it can be assumed 
there is some similarity to historically known Saami structures. These were undoubtedly made of 
wood, sod and bark and probably were of the same sizes and shapes as the sealers' huts. 

Looking more closely at Lovanger parish, there are three place-names of particular interest 
in this context: Rengdrdstjarn (Lapp Corral Lake) near Lappkdtatjdrnen (Lapp Hut Lake), and to the 
east, Lappvik (Lapp Bay) (Wennstedt 1988:12). The place-name Lappvik is the earliest known in the 
parish and is recorded from 1539 as Lapuiken (Holm 1949:144). The location and elevation of this 
place today (10 m = A.D. 950) is on what was once a major fjord and potential grazing area during 
the Iron Age. Twelve percent of the Lapp place-names in Skelleftea Municipality are between the 50 
and 10 m curves. None are lower. Lappvik was strategically located near the sealing sites on Bjuron. 
This locale was on a south-facing slope and bay located in the center of an open passage when the 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



201 



shore level was at the 15 m level. Bjuroklubb, Jungfruhamn and Grundskatan are located only 5 km 
away and were in use when the shoreline was 10 to 15 m higher than today. 

Both Bygdea and Lovanger were connected to the sea by coastal waterways and Lovanger, in 
particular, was characterized by long fjord-like passages that made communication along the coast 
very effective. This system existed from at least the Early Metal Age (Bronze Age) and numerous 
large grave cairns are found at the 35 m level. The Lovanger inlet landscape was even more effective 
during the Iron Age as waterways connected productive fishing and sealing areas with bottom lands 
for livestock and farming. This maritime network could be efficiently combined with lake fishing, 
the hunting of moose, beaver and fur-bearing animals, and livestock raising. Fishing and fowling 
is evidenced by a group of two to three small foundations located by Fagelvattnet, a small lake in 
Burea Parish that has produced a radiocarbon date of 1115+65 B.P. (Viklund 2000). 

This water network continued into the Medieval Period, but the region lost much of its con- 
nectivity after A.D. 1500 because of land uplift. From this point on, Lovanger became part of a 
mercantile-religious state system with a higher dependence on fishing and agriculture. The possi- 
bility of a church at Kyrksjon in Lovanger (Hedqvist 1949: 276-277) is paralleled by the possibility 
of an even earlier trading center at Mangbyn and Broange, about three kilometers to the northwest 
of Lovanger. Mangbyn has rendered remains of houses, pottery and even boat rivets, and is men- 
tioned in local folklore as a trading center. Hallstrom (1949:81) described foundations at elevations 
of 7 to 8 m above sea level. 

I led some limited student excavations at Broange in the late 1980s. This site had been identi- 
fied by Seth Jansson, a marine archaeologist, who believed there could even be remains of boats in 
the mire at the bottom of the inlet (Jansson 1981). The name Broange refers to the fact that there 
had been some sort of wooden constructions, pilings or a causeway, in this inlet. The site at Broange 
is situated on a point at the mouth of Aviken and the Gardefjarden, which once connected to the 
Gulf of Bothnia. The point rises just above the 9 m level, which in terms of shoreline displacement 
calculates to A.D. 900-1000. The most notable aspect of the site is a 30-50 cm high and 4 m wide, 
symmetrical U-shaped earthwork. The modern farmstead has caused some disturbance of this 
feature, but it can still be seen from a distance looking both north and east. Toward the northwest, 
however, the construction of the road and barns has more or less demolished whatever structures 
might have been there (Figure 197). 

Five trenches were dug into this earthwork. In one trench, a layer of stones had been found 
capping the wall. In others, stones seemed to have been incorporated in the structure. In a deeper 
trench, deposits of rust-colored soil mixed with carbon were found buried beneath an older soil 
cover. Under the mixed material at a depth of 50 cm and beneath several larger stones, a thicker 
carbon level was found. This deposit was radiocarbon dated to 1025+70 B.P and calibrated to be- 
tween A.D. cal. 890 and 1160, which coincides well with the calculated contemporary shoreline just 
below the site. A second distinctive shoreline terrace below the site lies at 8.5 m, which would date to 
around A.D. iioo. It is not likely that the site would have been usable as a harbor after this date. The 
Broange site is intriguing and could very well represent a trading place predating Lovanger (Broad- 
bent and Rathje 2001). The low wall could have been the footing for a wooden palisade that would 
have offered shelter and security. The thick carbon layer suggests it had burned. The ground within 
the ca. 40 m X 20 m enclosure is remarkably level and almost stone free, with most of the surface 



202 



CHAPTER 9 



10.20 ^'^^^^ 



11.5 



11.6 



10m 




about II m above sea level. There 
is also a fresh water source 
within the enclosure. This was 
not a large area for a settlement 
but could have housed some 
storage buildings for seasonal 
use. In line with this idea, the 
church town at Lovanger was 
also a temporary market site, 
used only on church "weekends" 
and also situated right on the 
water for easy access. 

The radiocarbon date and 
shoreline elevation at Broange 
coincide with the dates of the 
seal hunting sites farther out on 
the coast, and it is feasible that 
there was not only a regional 
settlement system, but a system 
involving organized mercantile 
activities. Seal oil and skins, 
furs and fish were commodi- 
ties the region could produce 
beyond subsistence needs and 
were undoubtedly important 
means for obtaining grain, salt 
and other goods. Another im- 
portant aspect of this particular 
area, as pointed out by the geolo- 
gist Erik Granlund (1943), is the 
availability of bog iron, which 
is especially prevalent in the 

Mangbyn-Nolbyn area. Iron was of the utmost importance and the iron on the sealing sites could 
very well derive from these local sources. Assuming that Broange was no longer usable as the water 
retreated from the point, the next site to take on the role of market center was Lovanger. This site 
was excellently served by the Avafjarden inlet. Significantly, and unlike other church towns in 
northern Sweden, the church town at Lovanger was not organized around the church, but lies right 
on the inlet. The main street leads straight down to the shore and there are distinctive shorelines 
immediately below the town between 9 and 10 m above present sea level. At Bole, a farm and field 
site opposite Lovanger, and 1.5 km across the Gardefjarden, radiocarbon dates fell into the period 
A.D. 1200-1300 (Rathje 2005) and mark the appearance of Swedish colonists. From this point on, 
Lovanger became the center of local medieval trade and religious and state influence. 




Figure igy. (top) Mapofthe low eaHh wall at Broange. (bottom) Profile drawing 
through the wall and the carbon layer that radiocarbon-dated to the Viking Period. 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



203 



The Church Town 

Beyond the question of the ages of the respective sites at Broange and Lovanger is the nature of 
the church town itself. These "towns" are unique manifestations in northern Sweden, for example 
at Arvidsjaur, some loo km inland, and at the famous Saami winter market town of Jokkmokk. A 
detailed analysis of church towns was published in 1964 by the geographer Ragnar Bergling. From 
an archaeological perspective these towns, which are really temporary villages, provide some won- 
derful perspectives about land use in the region. They were built by villagers from the surround- 
ing countryside and were used by households from each respective village during Sundays and 
especially during important religious holidays such as Easter and Christmas. They were important 
centers for social intercourse, trade and even legal proceedings. Bergling describes how the villag- 
ers built their cabins along small streets that pointed in the directions from which they had come 
(Figures 47, 194). He determined that each street contained a number of dwellings equal to the 
number of households in each respective rural community and also correlated with how far away 
these communities were from the church towns. In other words, the church towns accurately depict 
regional demography. Bergling calculated the distances peasants traveled from the village areas to 
their churches for the years 1543, 1601 and 1618 (Bergling 1964:52-60). 

The Lovanger figures are, by comparison with Norrbotten and Vasterbotten as a whole, 
close to half the distance traveled, reflecting the nature of the more compact coastal landscape 
and coastal waterways. To explore the meaning of these distances in terms of economic activity 
in the Lovanger landscape, I was fortunate to have access to data collected by a colleague of mine, 
historian Dr. Roger Kvist, who examined the tax records of peasants in Lovanger for the year 1560. 
Following Bergling's example, I calcu- 
lated the distances of villages from the 
coastline on the basis of Kvist's three 
economic categories: Type i (coastal 
economy). Type 2 (mixed coastal and 
inland economy) and Type 3 (inland 
economy). These results are given in 
table form (Table 60). The Type i vil- 
lages (coastal) averaged 5.25 house- 
holds and ranged in size from two to 
II households. The mean distance of 
these villages from the coast was only 
3.1 km and none were more than 7.5 
km from the shore. Type 2 villages av- 
eraged 5.7 households, with a range of 
three to nine households. They were 
on average 8.7 km from the coast (Fig- 
ures 198, 199). The Type 3 villages (in- 
land settlers) averaged 8.7 households, 
with ranges of three to 17 households. 
They averaged 20.5 km from the coast. 



204 



Table 59. Distances traveled between farmsteads 
and church towns. 

LOVANGER: 



YEARS 


MEDIAN 


MIDDLE QUARTILE 


1543 


8 km 


4-13 km 


1501 


8 km 


4-15 km 


1618 


8 km 


4-15 km 


VASTERBOTTEN: 






YEARS 


MEDIAN 


MIDDLE QUARTILE 


1543 


14 km 


7-23 km 


1601 


15 km 


7-25 km 


1618 


13 km 


6-21 km 


NORRBOTTEN: 






YEARS 


MEDIAN 


MIDDLE QUARTILE 


1543 


17 km 


8-32 km 


1601 


16 km 


10-34 km 


1618 


14 km 


8-24 km 



CHAPTER 9 





;c3^ 












.ftP%h!^ Nordersth 
Pd triidiungen 


5 km 




/ \ \ s 

V J 






Lappvik Jr 


1 


1 


/h < 






rr — 

Medersth 


J 




\ fierdingen 


^ Swnersth 


fierdingen 



VILLAGE TERRITORIES 1551 

^Svarttjarn 




INLAND 
mean distance 
20.5 km 



INTERMEDIATE 
mean distance 
8.7 km 



.5 km 



COAST 
mean distance 
3.1 km 



Figure iCjS. Sixteenth -century seal-netting areas of 
Lovanger parish. 



Figure igg. Map of villages and economic zones in terms of distances 
from the coast. The coastal villagers aligned their sealing and fishing 
areas with the fiords and inlets, and divided up their coastlines into 
8-14 km wide segments. This pattern is comparable to typical hunter- 
gatherer territories and also corresponds to the clustering of Bronze 
Age grave cairns along these northern coasts. 



The distances traveled and exploited are remarkably similar to hunter-gatherer carrying capacity 
models. These Bothnian coastal people appear to have resided within approximately 8 to 10 km wide 
economic zones. In addition to this zonation, the Lovanger coastline had been segmented into three 
territories called Swnersth fierdingen (Southern quarter), Medersth fierdingen (Middle Quarter) and 
Nordersth triidiungen (Northern third). These were, from south to north, 8 km to 14 km in extent. 
The boundary between the Nordersth triidiungen and the Medersth fierdingen corresponds to the 
natural waterway leading past Lovanger and out the Avafjarden. The villagers within each of these 
zones exploited the bays, harbors and islands within their respective working territories, although 
could have joined forces when necessary. They practiced a mixed economic strategy in which hunt- 
ing, fishing and herding were still dominant in the economy. By the 1500s agriculture and fishing 
had nevertheless become the mainstay of the economy (Huss 1949). 

Based on this model, and using the combinations of Lapp place-names with the Viking Pe- 
riod shoreline and grazing lands, a model can be projected for a regional settlement system during 
the Iron Age. The clustering of the sealers' huts into groups of three to five, sometimes up to nine 
huts, reflects the settlement communities behind these activities. These units are directly compa- 
rable to what is known about Saami sijdda settlement organization in northern coastal Norway (cf 
Bjorklund 1985:39; Grydeland 2001:18). Like the coastal Saami settlements at Kvaenangen, these 
Lovanger sijddas circle the points, fjords and islands into village territories that could be exploited 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



205 



1 d Die OU . 1 lie Vllld^ 


^cb Ul LUVdliyci pdrlbll. 




COASTAL 


HOUSEHOLDS 


DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM) 


Fjalbyn 


9 


7.5 


RIarkp 

LJ 1 U \_> i\ ^ 


8 


3.0 


Fallan 


2 


1.5 


Rilirnn 


4 


1.0 


Sunnana 


2 


3.0 


Nolbyn 


6 


5.5 


Krakanger 


11 


1.0 


Kashnip 

1 \ i_J O kJ w 1 \^ 


5 


1.0 


Vastana 


4 


1.5 


Selet 


9 


1.0 


Uttersjon 


6 


4.0 


Risbole 


3 


1.0 


Bole 


3 


1.0 


1 ;inn\/il< 
i_cj V 1 r\ 


2 


? 


Avan 


5 


1.0 


Gammalbyn 


5 


1.0 




Mean 5.2 


Mean 3.1 km 




Range 2-11 


Range 1.0-7.5 km 


INTERMEDIATE 


HOUSEHOLDS 


DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM) 


Brotrask 


3 


8.0 


Onnesmark 


7 


7.0 


Bissjon 


8 


5.0 


Svedjan 


6 


11.0 


I— JU UCJ 1 1 




1 1 


Mangbyn 


3 


10.0 


Garde 


8 


9.0 




Mean 5.7 


Mean 8.7 




Range 3-9 


Range 5-11 km 


INLAND 


HOUSEHOLDS 


DISTANCE FROM SHORE (KM) 


Hnti?^rn 

1 1 W LI CJ 1 1 1 


3 


8.0 


Bjursiljum 


7 


26.0 


Svarttjarn 


7 


16.0 


Vallen 


5 


30.0 


Hdkmark 


17 


13.0 


Vebomark 


17 


16.0 


Tjarn 


5 


26.0 




Mean 8.7 


Mean 20.5 km 




Range 3-17 


Range 8-30 km 



206 



CHAPTER 9 



by groups of seal hunters from five 
to nine families (Figure 200). The 
seal hunters' dwellings clustered 
in groups of three to five dwellings, 
sometimes nine dwellings when 
greater efforts were called for, and 
like the church town, mirror local 
demography during the Iron Age. 

Assimilation and Change 

Lars Beckman had, for four de- 
cades, looked into the genetics of 
populations living in Norrbotten 
and Vasterbotten. This body of work 
was presented in a collection of ar- 
ticles published in 1996. The Saami, 
as defined by various blood-group 
markers and mtDNA and Y chromo- 
somes, were found to be a unique 
European population that separated 
from other Europeans, including the 
Finns, thousands of years ago (Tam- 
bets et al. 2004). In this regard they 
are like the Basques (Sajantila et al. 
1995). This said, they display a high 
degree of admixture with Swedes 
and the Finns, especially the lat- 
ter (15-20%). Beckman (1996) has 
mapped these admixtures and found 
that, as expected, these are greatest 
near the Finnish border (60-80%). 
Even in Swedish Lapland the Finnish 
influence can be 30-40%. Swedish 
genetic dominance is greatest on the 
Vasterbotten coast, although in Burea, Lovanger and Skelleftea, Finnish influence is still 5%, and 
Saami influence 2%. Although these studies were based on living populations, and must be viewed 
with caution regarding prehistory, Beckman and his colleagues' results on the Vasterbotten coast 
coincide with what we know about colonization history. It is possible that the percentages of Swedes 
in the region before A.D. 1300 were quite the reverse: 2% Swedish, 4% Finnish and 94% Saami. 
The abandonment of the sealing sites, and the rapid colonization of this region, speaks of a major, 
but not total, population replacement. As noted earlier, there is mtDNA evidence of admixture at 
the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Christian cemetery at Bjorned in the lower Angermanland 
River valley (Gotherstrom 2001). 




BAY 
OF 

seals BOTHNIA 



Figure 200. Reconstructed territories encompassing sealing sites, grazing 
lands and waterways in Lovanger during the Late Iron Age. These territories 
hear a striking resemblance to the coastal Saami siidas of North Noiivay. 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



207 



Even the ultimate artifact of the Bothnian seahng tradition, the fdlbdt [seal boat] is believed 
by one of its foremost experts, Beril Bonns (1988:56), to be derived from Saami boat-building tra- 
ditions. Bonns, following Tegengren's lead regarding the Kemi region in Finland, comments that 
even though the Saami seemingly disappeared in many church records in the sixteenth century, 
they had undoubtedly only been assimilated (1988:56). The archaeological evidence pinpoints when 
this happened in Vasterbotten: A.D. 1279-1300. From this point on there are almost no coastal 
Saami in the census and tax records, only Christian souls with Swedish surnames. 

Summary and Discussion 

This material gives us a testable model for culturally contextualizing the Iron Age seal hunting so- 
cieties of Vasterbotten. Another perspective, but regarding the issue of Saami settlement continuity, 
is provided by a study regarding farmstead organization in Vasterbotten and Norrbotten (Roeck- 
Hansen 2002). This study encompassed the coastal region between the Ume River in the south of 
Vasterbotten and the Torne River valley on the Finnish border. The goal was to distinguish between 
Finnish and Swedish farmsteads on the basis of organization, including consolidated plots of land 
containing farm buildings and scattered arable lands. The sources go back to the sixteenth century. 
Based on these comparisons, it can be stated that there was indeed a clear difference between the 
Swedish coastlands and Finland, and also regarding what was normal for contemporary Swedish 
farms in the south. The Swedish Bothnian farmsteads were dispersed into smaller units and, while 
every farm had its own fields and pastures, hunting and fishing were of far greater importance and 
carried out collectively (Roeck-Hansen 2002:74). '^'^ this regard they are much more like the Iron 
Age people of Vasterbotten, as I have characterized them, than the agrarians of the Mid-Nordic 
region or of South Sweden. 

Rathje (2001) has approached these differences from a gender-archaeological and cognitive- 
folklore perspective. Her main thesis is that this region was permanently occupied during the Late 
Iron Age and was not a seasonal hunting ground for sealers from Middle Norrland or Finland. 
She detailed the nature of such a system and the use of shielings (seasonal pastures and huts) that 
emphasized the importance of women in north Swedish pastoralist society (Rathje 2001:68-82). 
She found no evidence for a Germanic hierarchy as seen in three-aisled houses, grave mounds and 
chiefdoms. Village society in Vasterbotten was basically unstratified and egalitarian, and this social 
system had deep local roots. Women, the so-called Amazons mentioned by Adam of Bremen in 
A.D. 1081, controlled and seasonally lived at these shielings. Fqually intriguing is that these peas- 
ants had an altogether different relationship to the environment than southern Swedish peasants. 
Illnesses and other fears were ascribed to supernatural beings called vittra, who also lived in family 
units and engaged in livestock husbandry and reindeer herding (Rathje 2001:170-174). A corre- 
sponding belief system in the region was that of the many hunting taboos connected with sealing 
(cf Edlund 2000). 

Rathje has seen this coast as a unique and multicultural region, but while true, there was 
little that separated this region from the interior before A.D. 1300. The long-term continuities in 
the Skelleftea region not only go back to Lundfors 6,000 years earlier, but align with the interior 
through eskers and river valleys in an east-west system of social and economic dependencies and 
networks. These contacts reached across the Bay of Bothnia to Finland, and to the Baltic and be- 
yond, judging by the artifact material. This system first came to a halt in A.D. 1323 with the Treaty 



208 



CHAPTER 9 



of Noteborg and the interests of the Swedish state to control trade and territory. Long-term change 
also came with the Christian church, which not only tried to assert its power over people's hearts 
and minds, but also appropriated the land and its resources. This took on its full impact on merging 
with the state under Gustav Vasa in 1523. Vasa clearly recognized the power of religion and, after 
throwing out the Danes, established one of the greatest administrative and religious bureaucracies 
in Europe. 

To summarize, coastal Vasterbotten is indeed a unique cultural region. There were Swedish 
and Finnish influences, but the source of this uniqueness is the fact that these were embedded into 
an indigenous matrix that can only have been Saami in origin. 



PLACE-NAMES AND CHURCH TOWNS 



209 




Figure 201. Map of Nordic labyrinths. The Bothnian labyrinths date to A.D. ijoo-18^0. Tltey mark the 
appropriation of the northern coastlands and the assertion of Christian hegemony, even over the past. 



The Labyrinth and the Bear 



The stone labyrinth is the consummate symbol of Swedish colonization of the Bothnian coasts. 
There are more than three hundred known in Sweden, of which more than 156 are found 
between Soderhamn, south of Hornslandet, and the Finnish border. John Kraft, Sweden's fore- 
most expert on labyrinths, calculated that of these, 128 are found on islands, 70 are within 200 m of 
herring fishing sites and an additional 19 are within 500 ni of fishing sites (Kraft 1977, 1982). Their 
association with medieval fisheries and old sailing routes is indisputable (Westerdahl 1995b), even 
those found upstream on rivers (Kraft 1977). The distribution of labyrinths on the Finnish and Baltic 
coasts coincides with Swedish settlements or seasonal fisheries as well. Kraft (1977) has also noted 
that most are found less than 5 m above sea level and a dozen between 10 and 15 m. Only 15 are found 
higher than this. The majority are less than 1,000 years old. Rabbe Sjoberg and I have confirmed this 
using lichenometry and rock weathering and determined that the Bothnian labyrinths date to the 
period A.D. 1300-1850, with a majority from the sixteenth century (Broadbent and Sjoberg 1990). 

The purpose of this analysis is to discuss the labyrinths found on or near Stor-Rebben, 
Grundskatan, Stora Fjaderagg, Snoan and Hornslandet. The main question is why these medieval 
labyrinths were built on or near these sites, and how could this relate to the labyrinth builders' 
perceptions about these places.^ 

Kraft (1977, 1982) has painstakingly gone through the historical materials, interviewed locals, 
mapped many sites himself and evaluated all the evidence regarding their functions. Ideas about 
them vary from pastimes by shipwrecked sailors to the Russian invasions of the 1700s and 1809, or 
children's games and dances. In fact, there is a scarcity of oral histories about them and informants 
tended to profess ignorance or speak of strangers, implying a much more serious and an even omi- 
nous context. Fishing was a risky undertaking in the North and is still one of the most dangerous 
jobs in the world. The labyrinths were physically associated with this working environment and 
were logically related to protection at sea and good luck in fishing. "Walking the labyrinth" was a 
way of magically entering dangerous waters, real or imagined, and then returning safely. Kraft has 
even documented this rite as having been performed as late as the 1950s (Kraft 1981:13). 

The labyrinth is an ancient symbol of death and dangerous journeys that barkens back to 
Crete and Greece and the stories of the Minoan labyrinth and The Odyssey. Their forms vary but 
the classic "Cretan" labyrinth consists of a single entrance and an endpoint. The Nordic labyrinths 
are overwhelmingly of Cretan type and have no dead-ends. There is one way in and one way out. 
The Bothnian labyrinths were constructed using cobbles on beaches or on bedrock and can have 



211 



six, eight or even twelve walls. With few 
exceptions they start with a cross and the 
walls' lines are then added from this cen- 
ter and to additional corner points (Figure 
203). These two aspects, the cross and the 
single pathway, are the labyrinth's most 
important symbolic attributes. 

The labyrinth is one of the most 
magical and universal of symbols and 
has been likened to the brain, the bowels 
and womb of Mother Earth, a city (Troy) 
and the cosmos. As a pathway, it relates to 
an individual's journey through life, a pil- 
grimage and The Way (Puree 1974). It was 
readily adopted as a Christian symbol and 
is found in medieval European churches, 
especially in Italy and France (Bord 1976). 
In Sweden, labyrinths are found in Ha- 
blingbo church and by Frojel church 
on Gotland, in churches at Morklinta, 
Enkoping, Viby and Horn, as well as in 
Linkoping's cathedral in southern Swe- 
den. There are also labyrinths at Sibbo 
church in Finland, Telemark church in 
Norway, and Gerninge and Skive Old 
Church in Denmark (Kraft 1977:74). 
While magic and superstition were closely 
connected to both hunting and fishing, as 
already noted regarding taboo words, the 
cross was the literal center of the mean- 
ing of the labyrinth. This is where one 
must begin when building one, and this 
is no less than the early Christian symbol 
and monogram Chi-Rho, the two Greek 
letters x and P - the name of Christ. 
The symbol originated with the Roman 
Emperor Constantine, who ordered his 

Figure 20J. Half-built labyrinth at Svarthalhiken 
on Bjurdn. This feature lies at ^ m above sea level 
and cannot he older than the seventeenth century. It 
illustrates the construction of the labyrinth around the 
central cross and the cuive at the top of the cross that 
can be interpreted at the Good Shepard's crook. 




Figure 202. Displacement of the Saami from the Bothnian 
coasdand based on calibrated radiocarbon dates. Finnish dates from 
Itkonen 1947. 




212 



CHAPTER 10 



soldiers to place the cross on their shields with one extremity of the cross bent around to form the 
Good Shepherd's crook (Russel 1969; Bord 1976:19). This is exactly how a labyrinth is constructed. 
By form and chronology the Bothnian labyrinths, as Christian symbols, were built near places 
where there was a need for protection - be it from the sea or from heathenism. 

Christian churches were frequently built directly on top of heathen shrines in Scandinavia, 
the most prominent example of which is Gamla Uppsala, the site of the last heathen temple and 
human sacrificial site in Sweden, as described by Adam of Bremen in A.D. 1081. The principle 
of super-position was formalized through statues of Saint Olav Haraldsson of Norway, who was 
martyred on July 29, 1030, and subsequently became a popular cult figure in the Catholic Church. 
Olav is depicted holding an axe and trampling a troll beneath his feet. These pathetic figures are 
being humiliated, have gaping mouths and can even have their pants drawn down. The Norwe- 
gian coat of arms shows the royal lion holding Olav's axe. The "troll" is heathenism and witchcraft 
personified, and in a drawing of a now-lost Saint Olav statue from Jamtland in northern Sweden, 
the troll is clearly a Saami noaidi (Liden 1999:346). Many of the Saint Olav statues were put into 
church towers, mutilated and destroyed during the Reformation. One statue, now kept in the tower 
of Enanger church in Halsingland, was found to have both his hands chopped off and axe cuts to 
his groin (Figure 204). The Lutheran church did not look kindly on these Catholic saints, nor on 
Saami noaidis for that matter! 

If the bear burial at the Grundskatan site is one of its most remarkable finds and expressions 
of cultural identity in the circumpolar world of animism, polytheism and shamanism, then the 
stone labyrinth that was deliberately built on top of a sealer's hut at this site is equally significant. 
The hut radiocarbon-dated to the eleventh century and the labyrinth dated by lichenometry to the 
sixteenth century, like the majority of labyrinths, and at the height of the Reformation. Their strati- 
graphic relationship is unequivocal. This is a classic expression of super-positioning as power and 
is an archetypal Christian response to the perceived dangers of the place. Grundskatan was not a 
herring-fishing site, but the largest visible pre-Christian dwelling complex in the region. 

In a similar Christian response to the past, a labyrinth had been built using stones taken 
from a Bronze Age grave cairn that overlooks the sea at Javre near Pitea, not too far from the Stor- 
Rebben site (Kraft 1982). Rock-weathering differences were used to establish that the labyrinth 
stones had indeed come from the cairn, and lichens growing on the overturned stones were used 
to date the labyrinth. These results indicated that the labyrinth dated to A.D. i299±3i (Broadbent 
1987a). Javre is among the oldest Bothnian labyrinths we know of, and coincides with the first me- 
dieval colonization of the Pitea region (cf Axelson 1989). 

Against this background, the labyrinths found by huts on Stor-Rebben Island were probably 
not made by Iron Age sealers, but by the medieval fishermen who had used their readily acces- 
sible stones to build them. The Stor-Rebben labyrinths, the labyrinth near the circular sacrificial 
feature at Yttre Bergon on Hornslandet, and a labyrinth near the complex of Saami circles on Stora 
Fjaderagg Island can all be interpreted in this hght. They are related by the need of later settlers and 
fishermen to explain these older constructions, and to either build on their power, or diminish it. 

Kraft (1977:71-73) has documented 15 labyrinth locales in southern Sweden that are near to 
Bronze Age or Iron Age cairns or cemeteries, but one can suspect that a number of these sites were 
appropriated during later periods, especially since many of the locales were still meeting places. Two 
coastal labyrinths built by Bronze or Iron Age cairns described by Kraft, at Gaddenaset in Smaland 
and Rison in Halland (Kraft 1977:71), appear to be add-ons, very much like the Javre labyrinth. 



THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR 



213 



Figure 204. (lefi) Saint Olav statue from Enanger Church in Halsingland. Saint Olav is portrayed standing 
on a troll representing the victory of Christianity over heathenism. This statue shows signs of desecration, 
presumably during the Reformatiori. The hands have been chopped off and axe cuts were delivered to the 
groin, (light, top and bottom ) Two additional wretches being trod on by Saint Olav. These figures are at the 
Halsingland Museum in Hudiksvall. 

Gaddenaset has two labyrinths that were awkwardly squeezed in between graves, which means that 
they were not only built later, but that they ran out of room in the process of doing so. 

There is some evidence in the White Sea region that the Saami may have themselves used laby- 
rinths (Manyukhin and Lobanova 2002; Olsen 2002; Hansen and Olsen 2004:227), but this conclu- 
sion is based on their proximity to circular sacrificial sites with concentric rings and seites. Some 
Christianized Saami may have nevertheless taken up labyrinth building, a syncretistic act already 
observed regarding their readiness to take up Norse religious practices. As another form of religious 
re-alliance, this is no different than placing bear bones in anatomical order to enable resurrection. 



214 



CHAPTER 10 




Figure 20^. The labyrinth at Jdvre, which dates to A.D. i2gg±)i, and the 
Bronze Age cairn from which the stones had been taken. The Bay of Bothnia is 
visible in the background. Rabbe Sjoberg and Atholl Anderson are measuring 
rock weathering using the Schmidt Test Hammer. 



The Grundskatan labyrinth may 
even have been built by a zealous 
Saami convert. But the builder of 
the labyrinth at Grundskatan could 
hardly have had any idea that there 
was a bear burial some 100 m 
away, although the memory of the 
place as spiritually powerful may 
have been retained in local folklore. 
The Grundskatan bear burial and 
labyrinth are explicit assertions of 
the identities of these people and 
their different relationships to the 
coastal landscape. These two sym- 
bols are at the core of this narrative, 
expressing two worldviews, and the 
religious and cultural struggles 
that played out here more than 500 
years ago. 



THE LABYRINTH AND THE BEAR 



215 



Synthesis 



This analysis of the Bothnian Saami has been structured around three perspectives: the long- 
term perspective, the maritime perspective and the regional cultural-ecological perspective. 
Five overarching hypotheses were posed. 

1) The Saami are an indigenous people with roots going back at least 7,000 years in northern 
coastal Vasterbotten. 

2) There are two major cultural-ecological regions in Sweden, the Circumpolar and the Eu- 
ropean. During the Iron Age the Germanic settlement boundary coincided with the 63rd 
parallel on the Bothnian coast. 

3) Proto-Saami, Proto-Finnish and Proto-Germanic societies had been in close contact for 
thousands of years and were heterogeneous and overlapping. 

4) Coastal and interior settlement in northern Sweden occurred in semi-sedentary cycles 
relating to peaks and declines in terrestrial and marine resources. Animal husbandry 
changed this pattern and contributed to sedentism as well as nomadism. 

5) Northern Sweden was part of a World System of trade and information exchange that had 
been in existence since the Early Stone Age. 

The methodological approach has been interdisciplinary and has included, in addition to 
archaeological techniques, geology, cultural and physical geography, osteology, botany, ethnology, 
history, linguistics and anthropology. Site analysis and sampling has been based on a 400-800 km 
long north-to-south transect of the Bothnian coast (including sites and place-names), and shoreline 
displacement studies at sites between 3 m and 20 m above sea level. 

The theoretical orientation has been that of resiliencies and the adaptive strategies of Saami 
societies, as opposed to continual crises and conflicts in their interactions with majority societies. 
This approach shifts attention to the strategies of successful adaptation and Saami societies as flex- 
ible, heterogeneous, syncretistic and heterarchical. Their successful interactions with other societ- 
ies hold the key to understanding Saami identities. 

The maritime perspective is central to this analysis. The coastlands provided the economic 
foundations for settlement stability and complexity. The maritime climate zone has also been the 
"environmental corridor" that introduced animal husbandry, metallurgy and many other cultural 
elements into northern Sweden from the south. These two elements, which have been viewed as 



217 



part of the process of Saami ethnogenesis in Norway and Finland, thus represent the southern 
stimulus package that helped to form Saami society in Sweden. This material is of equal antiquity 
to that long proposed by Nordic linguists for North Norway. 

The long-term perspective has been used to establish arguments for continuities and cultural 
trajectories as opposed to successive immigrations. This coastland had been a virtual mixing bowl 
of southern, northern and eastern influences within a region that had been intimately connected 
with the interior since the Early Stone Age, and probably even more so during the Late Metal Age/ 
Saami Iron Age. The Ume Saami and Pite Saami speakers had lived on these coasts until "the Lapps 
were driven away from there." It was easy to pinpoint when the modern state had transformed these 
regions into Swedish territory, the late thirteenth century (A.D. 1279). 

There may never be complete agreement among archaeologists about what is Saami or not 
Saami, and even what the state calls Saami and Swedish today. As noted in the introduction, this 
inevitably becomes a question of majority and minority power relations. 

In order to deal with these realities using archaeological data, I have used the concept of cul- 
tural clines (Caulkins 2001). My analytical strategy has involved: 

1) Viewing cultures as seamless cultural topographies. 

2) Mapping differences across landscapes as clines of continuous variations. 

3) Emphasizing commonalities. 

Resilience theory (Holling and Gunderson 2002; Holling et al. 2002; Redman and Kinzig 
2003) has provided an excellent model for interpreting this material. This theory builds on four 
central ideas: 

1) Flexibility and heterogeneity. 

2) Change as episodic and punctuated in time and space. 

3) Change in adaptive cycles. 

4) Resiliency as maintained by communication and reinforced through symbols, ceremonies, 
reciprocity, trade and "traditional" culture. 

Resilience theory applies well to the older prehistoric material summarized in Chapter 3, as 
well as to the period A.D. 1-1500. The episodic or punctuated nature of this coastal system is one of 
its most interesting characteristics. Resilience theory defines the "ecosystem functions" of adaptive 
cycles as occurring in four stages: growth, conservation, release and reorganization. 

Growth and conservation periods are marked by stability and increasing "capital" in the form 
of population and resource growth, social connectedness, increased specialization, trade and so 
forth. Social cohesion is reinforced through symbols, ceremonies and trade. The release stage is 
marked by reorganization into new settlement and regional exploitation patterns, new economic 
strategies, new technologies and new religious practices. Using these definitions, modern Saami 
ethnogenesis as seen on the Bothnian coast can be broken down in the following periods: 

600 B.C.-A.D. 700 Growth: systematic and increasing interactions with Germanic and 
Finnish societies (early modern ethnogenesis). 



218 



CHAPTER 11 



A.D. 700-1200 Conservation: strong internal cohesion; social stratification; expanded 

exploitation of coastal, forest and alpine resources; extensive trade; in- 
tensified rituals. 

A.D. 1200-1300 Release: Swedish colonization, the Christian mission, European mer- 
cantilism, Saami assimilation and the abandonment of the Swedish 
coastland. 

A.D. 1300-1500 Reorganization: Swedish state control, the Reformation, Lapland cre- 
ated, the development of reindeer nomadism and new polities in Saami 
society (modern ethnogenesis). 

The elements that contributed to the growth period are well known: metallurgy, animal 
husbandry, cultivation, greater mobility, economic diversification as a response to environmental 
changes, and a greater dependence on reindeer. The conservation stage is the best known period of 
Saami prehistory in Sweden as seen through the specialized exploitation of the alpine, forest and 
coastal regions, widespread trade, metal offer sites, bear rites, social stratification and the growth 
of individual ownership of animals and goods. The release stage is seen all over the Nordic North. 
This was a major period of Swedish colonization. The reorganization process took form through 
the implementation of state power, religious control, the creation of a nomadic herding system and 
cultural and linguistic assimilation. 

Colonialism derives from the Latin colonia referring to a settlement in hostile or conquered 
territory. The term has reference to colere (to cultivate) and this in turn has been the basis of land 
ownership and tenure as recognized by the state. Chris Gosden (2004) has formulated three types 
of colonial encounters: the shared cultural milieu, the middle ground and terra nullius. These are 
readily applicable to the prehistory of the Bothnian coast, and especially the changing forms of 
cultural contact that characterized Saami interactions during the Iron Age and Medieval Period. 

The shared cultural milieu of the period 5000 B.C.-A.D. i is a history of interactions with the 
outside world within a World System that introduced ideas, technologies and economies, and new 
forms of cultural capital at the regional and local level. There is little evidence of actual colonization 
by outsiders. 

The Iron Age corresponds to the idea of a middle ground, which is analogous to the inter- 
actions between the Algonquian Indians and the French fur traders in the Great Lakes region of 
North America during the seventeenth century (cf. White 1991). The middle ground created a 
working relationship appealing to the values of both groups (Gosden 2004:31). This is precisely 
what occurred during the period of the Roman Iron Age fur trade, and especially during the Viking 
Period. This led, among other things, to the growth of wealth, social stratification and adoption of 
Germanic religious practices among the Saami. Objects, especially valuable metal items, became 
embedded in local cosmologies and social relations. 

Terra nullius coincides with colonization starting in the late thirteenth century and efforts 
by the Swedish state and church to assert control through land and resource ownership. The full 
impacts occurred with the merging of the church and state under King Gustav Vasa in the sixteenth 
century. Culture contact changed into confrontation, suppression and obligatory acculturation. 

The issue of Saami cultural identity, as discussed in the introduction, relates directly to these 
colonial processes. Strathern (1988) has coined the term "dividuals" as opposed to "individuals." 



SYNTHESIS 



219 



Dividuals are made up of the social relations and attributes of societies as a whole; identity is rela- 
tional and relative. Individualism is more related to quantifiable values, ownership, title, prestige 
tied to individual power and to currency (Gosden 2004:37). The transformation of Saami society 
from the fourteenth century was the change from diverse and variable forms of circumpolar adap- 
tive communities, to narrower, constrained and legally prescribed identities. This was a formaliza- 
tion of "The Other" in north Swedish society. This also led to internal dissension among the Saami, 
principally the reindeer owners versus non-owners and between reindeer herders and settlers over 
grazing lands. 

Summary of Results 

1) Seen in terms of economy, settlement, technology, ideology and religion, all the compo- 
nents associated with the processes of Saami ethnogenesis have been identified in north- 
ern coastal Vasterbotten, and there is little difference in these respects from Northern 
Norway, interior Sweden or Finland. 

2) There is a long-term historical trajectory in coastal Vasterbotten from the deep past and 
into late prehistoiy defined by circumpolar adaptive strategies at the local, regional and 
World System levels. This is seen through settlement organization and cultural landscapes, 
as well as networks of travel, trade and resource exploitation. 

3) Coastal settlements were highly dependent on sealing and occurred in cycles coinciding 
with peaks in regional productivity. These periods also led to the expansion of European 
and Eurasian technologies, ideologies and economies into the North, and these were read- 
ily adopted by northern societies. 

4) Coastal societies during the Metal Ages (Bronze Age and Iron Age) manifested their territo- 
ries along the Bothnian coast through cairn graves that segmented the shores and bays into 
units 5-15 km in length, depending on topography. These hunting and pastoralist systems 
continued into historic times, even after Christianity had taken possession of the dead. 

5) The coast and interior were intimately connected through natural east-west networks, eco- 
nomic routes and interdependencies. As seen by artifact distributions, these connections 
were intensified during the Early and Late Metal Ages, but were also in evidence during 
the Mesolithic/ Early Stone Age. These social connections enabled reciprocal utilizations 
of interior and coastal resources, both of which were subject to major population cycles. 
Peaks in resources facilitated periods of semi-sedentism, as well as periodic depopulations 
and re-settlements of both regions, referred to as "punctuated sedentism." This was most 
likely the basis of pre-agrarian sustainability. 

6) Erom at least the first centuries A.D. there was a well-organized coastal settlement system 
incorporating hunting, animal husbandry and, with certainty from A.D. 500, intermittent 
cultivation on the North Bothnian coast. Iron working was practiced during the whole 
period and had both practical functions (tools, ornaments and boat rivets) and symbolic 
meanings. 

7) Bothnian coastal societies were organized in bands analogous to Saami sijddas/siidas, flex- 
ible groups of three to five, but sometimes up to nine households. These groups were 
involved in collective hunting and herding strategies. The largest aggregations occurred 



220 



CHAPTER 11 



during the Viking Period during which there was an intensification of husbandry, seal 
hunting, fur trapping and trade. 

8) Settlements in the coastland were based on the seasonal exploitation of seals on the outer 
coast and animal husbandry within 8-10 km of the coast. These were analogous to shiel- 
ings (cf. Rathje 2001). Seasonal indicators show that the sealing sites were occupied during 
late winter, spring, summer and fall. There also is evidence that domestic animals were 
kept on sealing sites, some of which were year-round. Storage caches indicate economic 
planning beyond subsistence needs. There is evidence that sealers were part of an orga- 
nized trading network with local trading sites. Boat building was part of the local system 
and may have been one incentive for operating forges on or near beaches. 

9) The ritual bear burial at Grundskatan, iron slag placed in hearths in dwellings, and circu- 
lar sacrificial features of Saami type are longue duree expressions of Saami identity. Saami 
religion was syncretistic and incorporated Germanic/Norse grave forms, including crema- 
tions, and thereafter shifted to Ghristian practices. 

10) The north to south transect between Stor-Rebben Island and Hornslandsudde shows that 
there were coastal Saami settlements between latitudes 61° and 65°N. The hut forms, 
consisting of contemporary oval, round and rectilinear forms, suggest that there were 
interactions at the settlement level with Germanic and Finnish groups, particularly during 
the Viking Age. These sites were located in regions well north of contemporary Germanic 
Iron Age settlement territories and deep within such regions. The northern region was 
predominantly Saami, and hut-based sealing was probably a Saami specialty. It is probable 
that there was a high degree of mutually beneficial economic interaction, as well as in iron 
technology and religion. 

11) Linear alignments of huts relate to aggregations of hunters and herders involved in larger- 
scale activities. These arrangements reflect intensified production of surpluses for trade. 

12) The chronology of the sealing sites spans from A.D. i to 1279. There were three periods of 
expansion: ca. A.D. 100-400, A.D. 400-600 and A.D. 800-1100. There was a regression 
during the seventh century, which was a regional-wide period of decline. By A.D. 1279 all 
the coastal sealing sites along the Bothnian coast had been abandoned. 

13) The abandonment of the sealing sites coincides with other major changes throughout 
northern Europe, including the beginnings of the Little Ice Age, but, above all, the for- 
mation of the Swedish state and the expansion of the Christian Church into the North. 
Systematic colonization by Swedish settlers and new systems of land tenure resulted in 
the assimilation of many coastal hunter-gatherers/herders as settled Christians and as land 
owners. Many Saami, as well as other non-Christians, probably made this change with little 
difficulty. The remaining populations were displaced inland. 

14) Place-names referring to Lapps are found along the whole Bothnian coast with the greatest 
density in Vasterbotten. These place-names reflect the interactions of Saami with non- 
Saami (Finns and Swedes) and coincide with the colonization of the northern coastal 
Vasterbotten, and also with areas with reindeer pastoralism. Seventy-four place-names with 
reference to reindeer are found in Skelleftea Municipality, 37 of which refer to intensive 
(non-nomadic) reindeer husbandry. 



SYNTHESIS 



221 



15) Herring fisheries rapidly expanded northward starting in the thirteenth century, and small 
harbors and chapels soon dotted the Bothnian coasts. The stone labyrinth is interpreted as 
an iconic Christian symbol that marked the Swedish appropriation of coastal territory and 
religious hegemony throughout the Bothnian region. 

16) In the fourteenth century the state began to systematically tax resources, regulate trade and 
cut off the east-west networks that had been operating for thousands of years. This also led 
to an artificial border with the interior and the creation of increasingly reindeer-dependent 
societies. According to historical accounts in Sweden, small herds became large herds 
with fewer owners starting in the sixteenth century, requiring greater pasturing, leading to 
nomadic herding in many regions. 

17) In Vasterbotten, Norrbotten and northern Angermanland, the Forest Saami lived on into 
the nineteenth century in the same ways the coastal Saami had before them. The coastal 
settlers of Swedish Vasterbotten still lived in coastal territories analogous to those who 
came before them, hunted seals and fished in household- and village teams, made boats 
and nets using Saami methods, used Saami taboo words, and still believed in reindeer 
herding forest spirits. 

Final Thoughts 

This study has focused on evidence that illuminates multiple aspects of Saami prehistory. It is far 
from complete, but serves to shift the narratives of both Swedish and Saami prehistory in northern 
Sweden. There can be little doubt that Saami culture has left few physical remains in the northern 
landscape as compared with Nordic society, and it is paradoxical that Saami culture is often first rec- 
ognizable in the archaeological record through non-Saami trade goods and adopted ritual practices. 
One need not look far, however, to see beyond this veil. The postcolonial discourse is a global phe- 
nomenon within archaeology and it is now widely acknowledged that colonial societies are them- 
selves "ambiguous hybrids" that are full of divergent lines of interest and evidence of interactions 
(Murray 2004:7). Saami culture has left an indelible mark on north Swedish society and culture. 

The biogeography of the Nordic region has been a key factor in the development of Saami 
identities. Strong eastern (Uralic) influences have, since early post-glacial times, extended into 
Sweden from the Finnish and Norwegian land bridge to the north. The maritime effects on the 
Bothnian and Norwegian coasts have at the same time enabled southern influences to reach north- 
ward in pulses of expansions and regressions. This dynamic combination of biological, cultural, 
technological and ideological forces characterizes both the process and substance of what we know 
as Saami and north Swedish culture today. 

Archaeology is a tool for filling in the gaps of history, especially for those who have been 
relegated to sidebars in our own narratives. From once being a means for creating national myths, 
archaeology has evolved into a tool for average men and women who were left out of history, and for 
minorities and colonized peoples who have been denied their histories. 

The Saami are among the best-known indigenous peoples in the world and yet, like most cul- 
tural minorities, are still struggling for recognition and cultural survival. These indigenous Saami 
societies, while capable of maintaining their unique ethnic identities, have also been increasingly 
marginalized through the creation of the narrow territorial and economic constraints that define 
their rights differently across four nations today. 



222 



CHAPTER 11 



The 4th International Polar Year (2007-2008) has just been completed, and this era of rapid 
global change reminds us of the challenges and promises facing all Arctic residents (Krupnik et 
al. 2005). In the larger scheme of things, these challenges are like those of many other peoples. 
There are lessons to be learned from this 7,000-year narrative: the strengths of diversity - socially, 
culturally, linguistically and spiritually; using natural ecological variability in order to achieve sus- 
tainability and, above all else, the value of multiculturalism. The resiliencies of the Saami and other 
northern peoples are testimonies to the strengths of their spirits and examples of how meaningful 
futures can derive from the many threads that have woven the fabric of all nations. 



SYNTHESIS 



223 



APPENDIX 

Osteological Material 

Includes burned, charred and unburned bone fragments. 
A) Identified species at site locales, numbers of identified specimens, NISP. 



Ringed seal 8 1 7 16 

Harp seal 1 (?) 17 18 

Indeterminate Seal 1 180 1 4 2 4213 4401 

Bear 66 66 

Cattle 1 1 

Sheep/goat 11 2 15 

Reindeer 1 1 

Large ungulate 2 2 1 3 8 

Ungulate 2 2 

Ungulate? 1 1 

Hare 1 1 2 

Indeterminate duck 11 

Indeterminate bird 5 9 1 15 

Indeterminate bird? 2 2 

Total 1 262 3 17 4 6 4246 4539 



225 



B) Identified species in huts (referred to by numbers or letters) at all locales, NISP. 




Ringed seal 
Harp seal 
Indeterminate 

Seal 
Bear 
Cattle 

Sheep/goat 

Reindeer 

Large ungulate 

Ungulate 

Ungulate? 

Hare 

Indeterminate 

duck 
Indeterminate 

bird 
Indeterminate 

bird? 

Total 



1 8 129 42 1 
66 



1 (?) 

1 



3 1 



2 
1 

1 1 
1 



2 4112 

1 
1 



2 1 



1 12136 113 1 1 



4 13 1 3 2 4 2 4143 



4401 
66 
1 
5 
1 
8 
2 
1 
2 

1 

15 
2 

4539 



226 



APPENDIX 1 



C) Anatomical representation for seals at all locales (including ringed seal, harp seal and 
indeterminate seal), NISP. 






67 


1 


14 


3 


4 


119 132B 


A B 


B 


A 


B 


D 


GAMLA HAMNEN 




Cranium 








30 


9 




1 






168 


3 




211 


Vertebral column 




2 




2 












1251 


5 




1261 


Rib cage 








3 












10 






13 


Front extremity 


1 






1 






1 






15 






18 


Front flipper 




1 




44 


13 










65 


1 




124 


Rear extremity 




3 




1 






1 


1 




125 


1 




132 


Rear flipper 




2 


1 


50 


20 


1 




1 


2 


2 


1898 


63 


1 


2040 


Front/rear flipper 








2 












127 






129 


Long bone fragment 












1 








2 






2 


Sesamoids, baculum 








1 


3 










475 


24 




503 


Total 


1 


8 


1 


134 


45 


2 


3 


2 


2 


2 


4136 


98 


1 


4435 



OSTEOLOGICAL MATERIAL 



227 



D) Anatomical representation for ungulates by site and hut (Cattle, Sheep/goat, Reindeer, 
Large ungulate, Ungulate, Ungulate?), NISP. 






1 


13 


A B 


A 


C 


D 


B GAMLA HAMNEN 




Tooth 




1 
















1 


Rib cage 














1 






1 


Front extremity 








2 




1 




1 




4 


Rear extremity 






1 








3 


1 




5 


Foot 


2 
















1 


3 


Hand/foot 












1 




1 




2 


Long bone 










1 








1 


2 


Total 


2 


1 


1 


2 


1 


2 


4 


3 


2 


18 



228 



APPENDIX 1 



APPENDIX 
Radiocarbon and AMS Dates 







ELEVATION 




RATIO 


MEDIAN 


A.D. 


A.D. 




SITE 


FEATURE 


(M) 


SAMPLE 


B.P. 


'3C%0 


A.D. 


(±1 S.D.) 


(± 2 S.D.) 


COMMENTS 


Stor-Rebben 




















Al 


Hut 


16m 


Stll910 


1845±135 


-25.5 


172 


23-340 


171(60-532 




A2 


Hut 


16m 


St.lll78 


1495 ± 70 


-26.6 


558 


443-643 


423-656 




B 


Hut 


13m 


St.lll79 


1045 ±110 


-25.7 


985 


880-1155 


716-1217 




€ 


Hut 


13m 


StlllSO 


945 ± 110 


-26.3 


1092 


999-1212 


880-1280 




Stora Fjaderagg 


















A 


Hut 


^Ul 11 


9t 1 1 1 Rl 

O L. 1 I 1 O i 


1 ni 1 nn 

i U i J± i uu 




1 091 


OQO 1 1 CiC; 


77Q 1 91 Q 




Bl 


Hut 


19m 




i DDU± / u 




OOD 








B2 


Hut 


19m 


St. 1 1 182 




9A R 


77Q 


J— 1 i JH- 


Qn 1 '\9S^ 




C 


Hut 


15m 


9t 1 1 1 


3* J JX / J 


9fi ^ 


1 DQ^ 
i uy 


1 ni R 1 1 


QflO-l 

_7WU i ^1 J i 




D 


Hut 


13m 


St.l 1 184 




£D.O 


Ql ^ 




Q JO i iiUO 




Gamla Hamnen Hut 


m 




o i U± / U 


9fi 7 


1 R79 




lAAl IQ'S^ 




Grundskatan 


(Site 78) 


















1 


Hut 


13m 


St.l0787 


1160±70 


-25.8 


866 


779-968 


690-1014 




3a 


Hut 


16m 


Stll907 


1500±100 


-25.6 


542 


435-643 


263-762 




3b 


Hut 


16m 


St. 11906 


1205±70 


-25.4 


819 


695-894 


673-972 




4a 


Hut 


15m 


Beta-1 96486 


190±40 


-26.7 


1773 


1662-1952 




contaminated 


4b 


Hut 


15m 


St.l0785 


1110±110 


-25.3 


912 


780-1020 


674-1155 




4c 


Bear bone 


15m 


Ua-19830 


1080±45 


-21 


958 


898-1014 


830-1030 


bone 


4d 


Hut 


15m 


Beta-196487 


420±40 


-26.1 


1470 


1433-1611 




contaminated 


4e 


Hut 


15m 


Beta- 210236 


1500±40 


-21.6 


568 


536-621 


434-644 


bone 


10 


Oven 


10m 


St.l0784 


<250 


-25.5 


1750 






Russian Oven 


11 


Hut 


13m 


St.lll70 


1175±100 


-25.8 


848 


723-972 


663-1021 




12 


Hut 


' 1 3m 


St.lll71 


1430±110 


-26.1 


605 


437-760 


390-867 




13a 


Hut 


13m 


St. 11 908 


1045±110 


-25.3 


985 


880-1155 


716-1217 




Uh 


Hut 


12m 


St.lll72 


880±80 


-25.8 


1144 


1044-1220 


1020-1272 




13c 


Hut 


12m 


Beta-1 96488 


1200±40 


-25.3 


825 


777-884 


690-946 




14a 


Hut/laby 


13m 


St.lll73 


1145±100 


-25.4 


878 


776-990 


661-1118 




14b 


Hut/laby 


13m 


St.lll74 


1000±185 


-25.3 


1017 


870-1231 


659-1296 




15a 


Pit 


17m 


Beta-196489 


320±40 


-25.7 


1562 


1515-1641 




contaminated? 


15 b 


Pit 


17m 


St 11175 


670±245 


-26.1 


1295 


1033-1467 


779-1952 


old surface 



layer 



229 







ELEVATION 




RATIO 


MEDIAN 


A.D. 


A.D. 




SITE 


FEATURE 


(M) 


SAMPLE 


D.r. 


1 3P0/ 
/oo 


A n 


(± i o.u.) 


I -L. Q Pi \ 


LUIvllVlLIN 1 o 


Jungfruhamn (Sites 138-139) 
















Al 


Hut 


15m 


St.lll76 


985±70 


-25.8 


1066 


990-1155 


898-1211 




A2 


Hut 


15m 


Beta-1 96490 


1210±50 


-26.3 


813 


722-887 


678-950 




B 


Hut 


15m 


St.lll77 


1300±130 


-27.2 


745 


636-886 


443-1015 




C 


Hut 


17m 


St.! lyuy 


1710±125 


-25 


323 


139-526 


58-597 




Site 70 


Hut 


12m 


Beta -196485 


1020±60 


-25.8 


1015 


902-1 149 


0/~v ""1 Til 7 

893-1157 




Site 67 


Hut 


17m 


St.l0786 


1485±70 


-25.3 


567 


467-648 


425-660 




Oval hearth 


Heartti 


5m 


Beta-191232 


230±40 


-25 


1742 


1641-1953 


— 


Saami hearth 




Wall 


11m 


Beta-1 96484 


550±50 


-25.2 


1378 


1319-1428 




contaminated? 


Broange 


Wall 


11m 


St. 11911 


1025±70 


-24.3 


1011 


899-1149 


831-1185 




Snoan 




















49 A 


Hut 


15m 


Ua-1322 


i i DU± iUU 


-CD 




77ir QQQ 


DOU-i i 1 u 




49B 


Hut 


15m 


Ua-1323 


255±100 


-25 


1658 


1491-1952 




contaminated? 


53A 


Hut 


5m 


St. 11 904 


735±120 


-26.5 


1258 


1167-1392 


1039-1416 




53B 


Hut 


3m 


St. 11 905 


445±105 


-27 


1481 


1401-1631 


1296-1481 




92A 


Oven 


5m 


St. 11 902 


430±95 


-24.7 


1494 


1413-1630 






92B 


Oven 


5m 


St.ll903 


470±95 


-24.8 


1450 


1320-1618 






Hornslandsudde (Sites 119,132) 
















5 


Hut 


18m 


Ua-32857 


1390±30 


-27.6 


646 


632-664 


602-674 


bone 


12a 


Hut 


16m 


Beta-207939 


1820±40 


-23.3 


191 


136-236 


85-323 




12b 


Hut 


16m 


Beta-209908 


1570±40 


-27.2 


488 


434-537 


409-575 




132b 


Hut 


20m 


Beta-210238 


1130±40 


-24.8 


920 


881-980 


780-991 




5 


Hut 


18m 


Beta-217790 


140±40 


-28.5 








contaminated 


15 


Hut 


12m 


Beta-210237 


260±70 


-23.5 








contaminated 


132a 


Hut 


20m 


Beta-217789 


210+40 


-26.9 








contaminated 



230 



APPENDIX 2 



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255 



Index 



The Aboriginal Populations oj Nordic 
Scandinavia (Nilsson), 5 

Adam of Bremen, 16, 17, 18, 208, 213 

agriculture. See farming 

Ainu, 182-83 

ahka, 175, 182 

Alfred the Great, 16 

alignments 

as archaeological features, 53 

at Bjuroklubb, 113, 157 

for corrals and fences, 157, 221 

at Grundskatan, 84, 91, 113, 157 

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 136, 139, 157 

husbandry and, 157 

reindeer and, 157 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 108. 113, 157 

Altarberget, 189 

Altarringen, 186 

Amazons, 17, 208 

Angermanalven, River, xiii 

Angermanland, 35, 37, 170 

flrtgr, 195-96 

animals, 23, 30, 173, 174, 176-84. See 

olso husbandry; individual animals 
Ansgar, 162 

archaeology. See also research 

boulder-field, xi 

features in, 51-55 

history and, 222 

identity and, 7-9 

in Scandinavia, xi, xii 

in Sweden, xiv, 4, 7-9 
architecture. See construction 
art, 31-32 

artifacts. See also metallurgy 
from Bjuroklubb, 64, 166 
dating and, 145-47 
from Gene, 146 

from Grundskatan, 73, 76, 83, 86, 
167, 170 



from Hamptjarn, 197 

from Harrsjobacken, 197 

from Hornslandsudde, 132, 134, 141, 

167-68, 170 
from Iron Age, 37-40 
from favre, 146 
from Jungfruhamn, 67 
from Kaddis, 195 
from Kvsnangen, 182 
from Luopa, 146 
from Norrbotten, 170 
from Obbola, 146 
of religion, 174, 175, 176 
seals and, 145-47 
from Snoan, 122 
from Southern Lapland, 145 
from Stalo, 145, 170 
from Stora Fjaderagg, 96, 108, 113, 

170, 190 
from Storkage, 146 
from Stor-Rebben Island, 127, 128, 

129, 170 
from Unna Saiva, 147 
avan, 194 

Baltic Sea, 19 

Barth, Frederik, xi, 6, 27 

bears 

Ainu and, 182-83 

burial of, xiii, 4, 174, 177-84, 191, 
213, 214-15, 221 

dating and, 178-79, 180 

deities and, 181-84 

dvifellings and, 181-84 

ethnicity and, 219 

at Froson, 183 

gender and, 181-82, 182-83 
at Grundskatan, 79-82, 92, 174, 177, 
178, 179-84, 191, 213, 214-15, 221 
hunting, 3, 177, 181-84 



identity and, 219 
at Kvaenangen, 182 
osteology and, 178, 180, 182, 183 
in religion, 174, 175, 177-84, 183-84, 
191 

in rock art, 32 
beavers, 26, 40 
Birkarls, 11, i8, 58 
hissie, 175 
Bjarmi, 16 
Bjastamon, 116 

Bjuroklubb. See also Grundskatan; 

Jungfrugraven; Jungfruhamn; 

Lappsandberget 
alignments at, 113, 157 
artifacts from, 64, 166 
caches at, 64 
cairns at, 64 

charcoal analysis at, 65, 66, 166 
dating at, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 141-49, 
166 

derivation of, 60 

elevations at, 45, 60, 63. 64, 65, 66, 

166, 202 
environment of 60 
excavations at, 60 
fishing at, 58, 59-60 
hearths at, 64-65, 66, 69, 135, 168 
history of, 59-60 
huts at, 63-68, 141-49, 168 
lichen growth at, 50, 60 
mapping at, 60, 66 
metallurgy at, 64, 165, 166, 168 
osteology at, 63, 64, 65, 66 
pits at, 73 

place-name of 189 
reindeer and, 160 
Russian ovens at, 64, 85 
seals at, 168 
selection of, 43 



257 



Bjuroklubb (continued) 

sites at overall, 59-60, 63-66 
Site 64, 63 
Site 65. 63 

Site 67, 63-65, 165, 166, 168 
Site 68, 65 

Site 70, 65-66, 141-49, 157 

soil chemistry at, 60, 63, 64, 168 

Bjuron Island, 43. See also Bjuroklubb 

Bjurselet, 32, 34, 37, 116 

blood, 174, 182 

boats, 123, 163, 164, 208, 221. See also 

travel 
bole. 18 
Bole, 149 

Boleslav the Brave, 162 

bones. See osteology 

A Book on Lappish Life (Turi), 16 

Bothia, Bay of, 12, 18. 21-22, 24, 194 

Bothnian coast 

bear bunal on, 4 

climate of, 217-18 

economy of, 217-18 

environment of, ig, 21-23 

fishing at, 25 

food on, 12 

history of, 57-59 

hunting on, 12, 25 

importance of, xiv, 11-12 

labyrinths on, 2 

maritime perspective on, 12, 217-18 

place-names on. 2. 199-200 

settlements on, 217-18 

sites on, 2 
Broange, 196, 202-3 
bronze, 35, 41 
Bronze Age. See Metal Age 
burial 

in Angermanland, 35 

of bears, xiii, 4, 174, 177-84, 191, 213, 
214-15, 221 

cairns for, 35-36, 39, 41, 53, 178 

construction for, 178 

cremation, 39, 41 

dating and, 178-79, 180 

at Grundskatan, 174, 177, 178, 
179-84, 191, 213, 214-15, 221 

in Harjedalen, 39 

hunting and, 39 

in [amtland, 39 

at Krankmartenhogen, 39 

at Kvaenangen, 182 

locations for, 177, 181 

in Metal Age, 34, 35-36, 39, 41 

at Prastsjodiket, 34, 35 



religion and, 174, 177-84, 191 

at Smalnaset, 39 

in Stone Age, 32, 41 

in Trondelag, 39 

at Vivallen, 39 
Bygdea, 50 
Bygdetrask, 39 

caches 

as archaeological features, 53 
at Bjuroklubb, 64 
at Grundskatan, 85, 91 
at Hornslandsudde, 132, 138, 139 
at Stalo, 145 
for storage, 151. 221 
cairns 

at Bjuroklubb, 64 

circles and, 184, 186-87 

fishing and, 62 

graves, 35-36,39,41,53,178 

at Grundskatan, 72, 77-78, 79-82, 

84, 85, 90, 91, 141, 156, 180, 183 
at Hornslandsudde, 132, 136, 137-38 
hunting and, 62 

at )avre, 213 

at Jiuigfrugraven, 60-62, 90, 
188-89 

religion and, 174, 180, 186-87 

sacrifice and, 60-62, 186-87 

at Snoan, 123, 124 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 108, no 

for storage, 156-57 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 128 
Carta Marina (Olaus Magnus), 12 
charcoal analysis 

at Bjuroklubb, 65, 66, 166 

fuels revealed by, 141 

at Grundskatan, 73, 75. 76, 78, 82, 

85, 86, 89, 92, 183 

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 133, 136, 137, 
167 

at [ungfruhamn, 66 
as research methodology, 47 
at Snoan, 122, 123-24 
at Stora Fjaderagg, 108 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 126, 126-27, 
128 

children, 174, 175 

Christianity 

churches, 57, 58-59, 122, 204-7, ^^3 
colonization and, 219, 221 
labyrinths and, 2, 187, 212-13, ^^4' 
language and, 199 
place-names and, 199, 201, 209 
religion and, 162-63, ^7^~79' 187 



chronology. See dating 

churches, 57, 58-59, 122, 213. See also 

Christianity 
church towns, 204-7 
circles 

at Altarberget, 189 

at Altarrmgen, 186 

as archaeological features, 53 

cairns and, 184, 186-87 

construction of, 184-85 

dating and, 189-90 

at Forolsjoen Lake, 186 

at Gagsmark, 186 

at Grundskatan, 90, 92, 184, 189, 
190-91 

in Halsingland, 187-88 

hearths and, 186-87 

at Hornslandsudde, 131 

at Jungfrugraven, 184, 188-89, 
190-91 

labyrinths and, 214 

at Lappsandberget, 68-69, 1^4' i^^, 
190-91 

religion and, 174, 184-91 

sacrifice and, 184-91, 214 

settlements and, 190-91 

sijddas and, 190-91 

society and, 190-91 

stones in, 53-54 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 109-12, 113, 
131, 184, 189, 190 

in Sweden, 186 
Circumpolar Region, gni, 24-25, 27 
climate. See also environment 

of Bothnian coast, 217-18 

ethnicity and, 219 

farming and, 37, 149 

fishing and, 149 

husbandry and, 149 

identity and, 219 

in Metal Age, 35-36, 37 

of Nordic region, 23-24 

seals and, 149 

in Stone Age, 29, 32 
colonization, 57-59, 209, 219-20, 221 
compass roses, 54, 121-22, 123, 125, 147 
Constantine, 212-13 
construction 

of circles, 184-85 

of graves, 178 

of hearths, 151, 152 

of huts, 151-53, 171, 221 

of labyrinths, 211-12, 213 
contamination, 141-42 
copper, 35 



258 



INDEX 



corrals, 157, 159 

cosmos, 175, 181-84 

cremation, 32, 34, 39, 41 

cultural clines, 27, 218 

cycles, 24-26, 27. See also seasonality 

Dalalven, 11 
Dalarna, 200 
Dal River, 11 
Damianus a Goes, 57 
dating 

at Altarberget, 189 

architecture and, 151-53 

artifacts and, 145-47 

bears and, 178-79, 180 

at Bjuroklubb, 60, 63, 64. 65, 66, 
141-49, 166 

at Bole, 149 

at Broange, 202-3 

burial and. 178-79, 180 

circles and, 189-90 

contamination and, 141-42 

elevations and, 45, 141-42 

ethnicity, 218-19 

fishing and, 147-49 

at Gamla Hamnen, 112 

at Gene, 146 

at Grundskatan, 65. 73, 76, 78, 
79-80, 85, 86, 87, 89-90. 91-92, 
141-49, 166-67, 180, 189, 190, 213 

at Hamptjarn, 197 

at Harrsjobacken, 165, 197 

of hearths, 46 

at Hertsanger, 196 

historical records for, 45, 46 

at Hornslandsudde. 132, 133-34, i35' 
138, 139, 141-49, 151, 165, 167 

hunting and, 144-49 

of huts, 151-53 

at Javre, 213 

at Jungfrugraven, 60. 60-62. 

188- 89. 190 

at Jungfruhamn, 66. 67, 141-49 

at Kaddis, 195 

at Krakanger, 196 

of labyrinths, 211, 213 

languages and, 163-64 

at Lappsandberget, 69 

lichen growth and, 46. 49-51, 147 

in Lovanger, 195-96, 202, 203 

metallurgy and, 165 

place-names and, 199-200 

religion and, 176, 178-79, 180, 

189- 90 
sacrifice and, 189-90 



sampling and, 141-42 
seals and. 144-49. 221 
shoreline displacement and, 46, 

48-49, 51 
at Snoan, 122, 123-24, 141-49 
in Southern Lapland, 145 
at Stalo, 145, 146. 170 
of stones, 46 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96, 108, iii. 

112, 113. 141-49. 151. 165, 189, 190 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 126-27, 

128-29. 130. 141-49. 151. 165 
trade and, 147 
death, 173-74 

deities, 173-76, 181-84, 208 
drums, 175, 177 
Diiben, G. von, 5 
dwarves, 2-3, 171 

dwellings, 173-74. 175, 181-84. See also 
huts 

economy. See also trade 
of Bothnian coast, 217-18 
identity and. 219 
of Lovanger. 204-7 
at Lundfors. 30 
in Metal Age. 37, 40 
in Stone Age, 30, 40 
Egil's Saga. 17, 18 
elevations 

architecture and, 151-52 

at Bjuroklubb, 45, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 

166, 202 
at Broange, 202-3 
dating and, 45, 141-42 
at Flurkmark, 29-30 
at Gamla Hamnen, 45-46, 112. 142 
at Grundskatan. 45. 72. 73, 75, 77, 79, 

83,85.86,87,88,89,90,91,154, 

190, 202 
in Halsingland, 187 
of hearths, 152 
at Hertsanger, 196 
at Hornslandsudde, 45. 131, 132, 134, 

136, 139, 141, 154, 167 
of huts, 43, 151-52, 153-54 
at lungfrugraven, 60, 188-89, ^9° 
at Jungfruhamn, 45, 66. 141. 202 
at Kaddis, 194-95 
at Krakanger, 196 
of labyrinths, 211 

at Lappsandberget, 68, 69, 188, igo 
in Lovanger. 195-96, 201-2 
in Metal Age. 43 
place-names and, 201-2 



in research methodology, 43, 44-46 

at Snoan, 45, 46, 121, 122, 123, 124 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 45, 46, 92. 

94-95, 96, 105, 108, 109, 112, 142, 
154, 189, 190 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 45. 125-26, 
127, 128, 141, 154 
engravings, 54-55 
environment. See also climate; 
landscape 

of Bjuroklubb, 60 

of Bothnian coast, 19, 21-23 

farming and, 19, 149 

fishing and, 19, 149 

of Hornslandsudde, 131 

hunting and, 20-21 

husbandry and, 149 

identity and, 219 

of Nordic region, 19-25 

seals and, 149 

in Stone Age, 29 

of Stora Fjaderagg, 92-93 
Erik. Saint, 162 
eskers, 196-97 
ethnicity 

dating of 218-ig 

hypotheses concerning, 27, 41. 217 
and identity, 183, 191 
issues regarding, xii, 1-2. 3. 5-7, 19, 
27 

membership in, 3 

Metal Age and. 6. 19. 218, 219 

metallurgy and. 219 

place-names and, 207-8 

religion and, 3, 184, 219 

resilience theory and, 217-23 

Saami, 209, 217-23 

Stone Age and, 218 
Eurasian region, i, 27, 217 
excavations, 46, 60, 68, 126. See also 
individual locations; sites 

Fahlmark. 34, 37. 40. 197 
family, 173-74, 175 
farming. See also husbandry 

in Angermanland, 37 

architecture and, 152 

at Bjurselet, 37 

climate and, 37, 149 

in economy, 37, 40 

environment and. 19, 149 

ethnicity and, 219 

at Hornslandsudde. 131. 139 

huts and, 152 

identity and, 219 



INDEX 



259 



farming {continued) 

languages and, 163, 164 
in Lovanger, 202, 205 
in Metal Age, 36-37, 40 
in Norrbotten, 208 
place-names and, 201 
at Snoan, 122 

in Stone Age, 32, 36-37, 40 

in Vasterbotten, 208 
fattig lapp, 15 
fences, 157 
Fenni, 13-15, 16 
Finland, 13, 17 
Finn King, 2-3, 171 
Finnmark, 13 

Finno-Ugrian languages, 15-16 
Finns and Ter-Finns (Odner), 27 
Fisher-Lapps, 93-94 
fishing 

architecture and, 152 

at Bjuroklubb, 58, 59-60 

on Bothnian coast, 25 

cairns and, 62 

climate and, 149 

cycles for, 24, 25-26 

dating and, 147-49 

economy and. 21 

environment and, 19, 149 

at Grundskatan, 147-49 

at Hornslandsudde, 131. 139, 147-49 

huts and, 43, 152, 154 

at Jungfruhamn, 147-49 

at Kaddis, 195 

labyrinths and, 2, 147, 211, 222 

languages and, 163 

in Lovanger, 202, 205 

in Metal Age, 40 

place-names and. 149, 201 

religion and, 173, 174 

seals and, 147-49 

at Snoan, 122, 123, 124, 147-49 

in Southern Lapland, 145 

in Stone Age. 40 

at Stora Fjaderagg. 93, 147-49 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 130, 147-49 
Flurkmark. 29-30, 34 
food resources, 12 
forests, 20-21 
Forolsjoen Lake. 186 
Forsa Church, 9n2 
Frakenronningen, 116 
Froson, 183 
fuels, 141 

Gabriel De la Gardie, Magnus, 173 
Gaddenaset, 213-14 



Gagsmark, 186 

Gamla Hamnen, 45-46, 95, 112, 142 
Gamla Uppsala, 213 
Gavleborg County, 43, 200 
gender, 17, 171, 174, 175, 181-82, 

182-83, 208 
Gene, 146 

genetics, 15, 16, 23, 207-8 

Germanic peoples, 2, 27, 164-65, 217 

Gesta Danorum (Saxo Grammaticus), 15 

get-kdtas, 63, 151 

giants, 2-3, 171 

Gjessing, Gutorm, xi 

glacial ice, 22-23 

goat huts, 63, 151 

gold, 35 

Gotland, 157 

government, 3, 8-9, 57 

Gram, 3 

Gratrask, 38 

grave sites. See burial 

Grundskatan 

alignments at, 84, 91, 113, 157 
artifacts from, 73, 76, 83, 86, 167, 
170 

bears at, 79-82, 92, 174, 177, 178, 
179-84, 191, 213. 214-15, 221 

burial at, 174, 177, 178, 179-84, 191, 
213, 214-15, 221 

caches at, 85, 91 

cairns at, 72, 77-78, 79-82, 84, 85, 

90, 91, 141, 156, 180, 183 
charcoal analysis at, 73, 75, 76, 78, 

82, 85, 86, 89, 92, 183 

circles at, 90, 92. 184, 189, 190-91 
dating at, 65, 73, 76, 78, 79-80, 85, 

86, 87, 89-90, 91-92, 141-49, 
166-67, 180, 189, 190, 213 

elevations at, 45, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79, 

83, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 154, 
190, 202 

excavations at, 60 
fishing at, 147-49 

hearths at, 64, 72, 76, 77-78, 80, 86, 

87, 88. 91-92, 166-67, 168, 180 
hunter-gatherers at, 159 
hunting at, 92, 144-49 
husbandry at, 84-85 

huts at, 64, 65, 72-85, 86-89, 
91-92, 141-49, 154, 166-67, 168' 
180, 181, 213 

labyrinths at, 72, 88-89. 91, 92, 213, 
214-15 

lichen growth at, 50, 89, 90, 92, 189, 
213 

macrofossils at, 73, 75, 92, 127 



mapping at, 72 

metallurgy at, 86, 92, 165, 166-67, 
168, 170 

osteology at, 68, 73, 76, 78, 79-82, 
89, 92 

pits at, 72-73, 89-90, 91, 92, 157 

place-names of, 194 

religion at, 174, 177, 178, 179-84, 

189, 190-91 
Russian ovens at, 72, 85, 91, 92 
sacrifice at, 184, 189, 190-91 
seals at, 92, 144-49, ^57 
settlements at, 190-91 
sites at, 72-92, 154 
society at, 190-91 
soil chemistry at, 73-75, 78, 80, 81, 

84-85, 157 

Halla, 37 

Hallstrom, Gustaf, 5, 11, 72 

Halsingland, 18, 187-88, 213 

Hamptjarn, 36, 197 

Hansen, L.-L, 6 

Harjedalen, xiii, 39 

Harrsjobacken, 36, 40, 165, 197 

health. 174 

hearths 

as archaeological features, 52 
at Bjuroklubb, 64-65, 66, 69, 135, 
168 

circles and, 186-87 

construction of 151, 152 

dating of, 46, 145 

density of 145 

elevation of 152 

in excavations, 46 

at Gamla Hamnen, 112 

at Grundskatan, 64, 72, 76, 77-78, 

80,86,87,88,91-92,166-67, .- 

168, 180 

at Hornslandsudde, 64. 132, 134, 135, 

136, 137, 139, 167, 168 
at Jungfruhamn, 66, 67 
reindeer and, 145 
religion and, 186-87, 221 
sacrifice and, 186-87 
at Snoan, 122, 141 
in Southern Lapland, 145 
at Stalo, 145 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 96, 102-5, 108, 
112 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 127, 128 
trade and, 145 
at Vivallen, xiii 
wealth and. 145 
hem, 18 



260 



INDEX 



herding 

in economy, 40 

ethnicity and, 219 

at Hornslandsudde, 139 

huts and, 160-63 

identity and, 219 

languages and, 164 

in Lovanger, 205 

in Metal Age, 40 

of reindeer, 3, 8, 13, 164, 208 

religion and, 174, 176 

by Saami, i, 3, 8, 13, 220-21, 222 

settlements and, 40, 160-63 

sites of, 160-63 

in Southern Lapland, 145 

at Stale, 145 

in Stone Age, 40 
Hertsanger, 195-96 
heterarchy, 160-63 
Hildebrand, Hans, 5 
Historia Norvegiae, 16-17, 18 
historical ecology, 24 
historical records, 45, 46 
history. See also prehistory 

archaeology and, 222 

of Bjuroklubb, 59-60 

of Bothnian coast, 57-59 

of Holmon Island, 149 

of Hornslandsudde, 149 

of metallurgy, 2, 165-66 

narratives in, 4-7 

of religion, 173 

Saami in, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 4-7 

of Scandinavia, 4-7 

of Stora Fjaderagg, 92-94 

of Sweden, 4-7 

of Vasterbotten, 57-59 
History of Denmark (Saxo Grammaticus), 
15 

The History of Lapland (Schefferus), 5, 173 

History of the Archbishops of Hamburg- 
Bremen (Adam of Bremen), 16 

Holm, Carl, 72 

Holmon Island, 62, 149, 199 

Hornslandet, 213 

Hornslandsudde 

alignments at, 132, 136, 139, 157 
artifacts from, 132, 134, 141, 167-68, 
170 

caches at, 132, 138, 139 

cairns at, 132, 136, 137-38 

charcoal analysis at, 132, 133, 136, 137, 

167 
circles at, 131 

dating at, 132, 133-34, 135, 138, 139, 
141-49, 151, 165, 167 



elevations at, 45, 131, 132, 134, 136, 

139, 141, 154, 167 
environment of, 131 
farming at, 131, 139 
fishing at, 131, 139, 147-49 

hearths at, 64, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 

139, 167, 168 
herding at, 139 
history of 149 
hunter-gatherers at, 131, 139 
hunting at, 138, 139, 144-49 
husbandry at, 135 
huts at, 64, 132-39, 141-49, 154, 

167-68, 170 
labyrinths at, 131 
metallurgy at, 134, 135, 141, 165, 

167-68, 170 
osteology at, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 

138, 139 
pits at, 156 

place-names of 131, 139 
seals at, 131, 138, 139, 144-49 
selection of 43, 131 
shoreline displacement at, 131 
sites at, 131-40, 131-40, 154 
soil chemistry at, 132, 135. 136, 139, 
157 

taxation at, 131 
trade at, 139 
hunter-gatherers. See also hunting 
architecture and, 152 
characterization of 15 
cycles for, 24, 25-26 
economy of 40 
at Grundskatan, 159 
at Hornslandsudde, 131, 139 
huts and, 152, 160-63 
in Metal Age, 40 
oil for, 24 

religion and, 175-76 
Saami as, 2 

settlements of 160-63 
in Southern Lapland, 145 
in Stone Age, 40 
storage and, 156-57 
hunting. See also hunter-gatherers 
bears, 3, 177, 181-84 
beavers, 26 
blinds for, 54, 92 
on Bothnian coast, 12, 25 
burial and, 39 
cairns and, 62 
cycles for, 24, 25-26 
dating and, 144-49 
in economy, 40 

environment and, 20-21, 183-84 



at Fahlmark, 197 

gender and, 181-82, 182-83 

at Grundskatan, 92, 144-49 

at Hornslandsudde, 138, 139, 144-49 

huts and, 154 

ice, 12, 22 

at [ungfruhamn, 144-49 
languages and, 164-65 
in Lovanger, 205 
at Lundfors, 30 

in Metal Age, 33-34, 40, 117, 120 
moose, 26 

osteology and, 158-59 

reindeer, 3, 171 

religion and, 173, 174 

seals, 4, 12, 17-18, 22, 25, 30, 33-34, 

40, 43, 116. 117, 138, 139, 144-49, 

154, 158-59, 181 
seasonality and, 158-59 
sites of 43 

in Southern Lapland, 145 
at Stalo, 145 

in Stone Age, 30, 40, 117 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 117, 120-21, 

144-49, 
storage and, 156-57 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 144-49 
topography and, 22, 220-21 
husbandry. See also farming 
alignments and, 157 
at Bjurselet, 37 
climate and, 149 
cycles and, 25 
in economy, 37 
environment and, 149 
ethnicity and, 219 
at Fahlmark, 37 
at Grundskatan, 84-85 
at Halla, 37 

at Hornslandsudde, 135 

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217 

identity and, 219 

at Jungfruhamn, 113 

at Kaddis, 37 

languages and, 163, 164 

in Lovanger, 202 

in Metal Age, 36-37, 40 

osteology and, 158-59 

place-names and, 159-60, 199, 201 

at Ra-Inget, 37 

reindeer, 157, 159-60, 161, 164, 199, 
221 

religion and, 176 
seasonality and, 158-59 
at Stallverket, 37 
in Stone Age, 32, 36-37, 40 



INDEX 



261 



husbandry {continued) 

at Stora Fjaderagg, loi, 113, 159 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 129-30 

huts. See also dwelUngs 

as archaeological features, 52 
arrangement of, 153-55, 160-63, i?!' 
221 

at Bjuroklubb, 63-68, 141-49, 168 
construction of, 151-53, 171, 221 
dating of, 144-45, 151-53 
elevation of 43, 151-52, 153-54 
in excavations, 46 
farming and, 152 
fishing and, 43, 152, 154 
in Gavleborg County, 43 
goat huts, 63, 151 

at Grundskatan, 64, 65, 72-85, 86- 
89, 91-92, 141-49, 154, 166-67, 
168, 180, 181, 213 

of herders, 160-63 

at Hornslandsudde, 64, 132-39, 
141-49, 154, 167-68, 170 

of hunter-gatherers, 152, 160-63 

hunting and, 154 

in Iron Age, 43 

at Jungfruhamn, 66-68, 141-49 

at Kvaenangen, 152 

at Lillberget, 151 

in Lovanger, 204-7 

in Norrbotten, 43, 170 

at Ofoten, 153 

seals and, 154 

at Snoan, 121-24, ^4^~49 

at Stalo, 144-45, '46. 161, 170 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 94-109, 112-13, 

117-21, 141-49, 154, 158, 170 
for storage, 151, 156-57 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 125-30, 

141-49, 154, 170 
at Varanger, 153 
in Vasterbotten, 43 
in Vasternorrland, 43 
at Vivallen, xiii 
hypotheses, 27, 217 

ice, 12, 21-23 
identity 

archaeology and, 7-9 

criteria of 3 

cultural clines and, 27, 218 
dating of, 218-19 
government and, 8-9 
hypotheses, 217-23 
issues regarding, xii, 1-2, 3, 7, 19, 
26-27 



manifestations of 7 

maritime perspective on, 217-18 

Metal Age and, 6, 218, 219 

and metallurgy, 41 

place-names and, 2 

religion and, 3, 184, 219 

resilience theory and, 26-27, 217-23 

Stone Age and, 218 
idols, 174, 184-86 
indigenous peoples, 8, 18, 27, 217, 

222-23 
inscriptions, 163-64 
International Labour Organization, 18 
iron, 36, 41 

Iron Age. See Metal Age 

famtland, 39, 200 
Jarl, Birger, 58 
Javre, 146, 213 
Jonsson, Knut, 57 
fungfrugraven, 60-62, 90, 184, 

188-89, 190-91 
Jungfruhamn 

artifacts from, 67 

charcoal analysis at, 66 

dating at, 66, 67, 141-49 

elevations at, 45, 66, 141, 202 

excavations at, 60 

fishing at, 147-49 

hunting at, 144-49 

husbandry at, 113 

huts at, 66-68, 141-49 

osteology at, 66, 67-68 

seals at, 144-49 

Kaddis, 34, 37, 194-95 
katas, 145, 198, 200 
Kataselet, 38 

Kjelmoy ceramics, 36, 165 
Kloverfors, 39 
Krakanger, 195-96 
Krankmartenhogen, 39 
Krupnik, Igor, 25 
Kusmark, 32 

Kv^nangen. 152, 182, 205 
Kveni, 17 
Kvenland, 17 
Kvens, 18 
Kyrkesviken, 170 

Labrador, xi 
labyrinths 

as archaeological features, 54 
on Bothnian coast, 2 
Christianity and, 2. 187 



circles and, 214 

construction of 211-12, 213 

dating of 211, 213 

elevations of 211 

fishing and, 2, 147, 211, 222 

at Gaddenaset, 213-14 

at Grundskatan, 72, 88-89, 9^' 92. 

213, 214-15 
in Halsingland, 187 
at Hornslandet, 213 
at Hornslandsudde, 131 
at javre, 213 
lichen growth and, 147 
locations for, 211, 212, 213-15 
purposes of, 211 
religion and, 212-15, 222 
at Rison, 213 

at Snoan, 121, 123, 128, 147 
at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 128, 147, 189, 
213 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 127, 128-29, 213 
in Sweden, 211 
symbolism of 2, 211, 212-13 
landnam, 18 

landscape. See also environment 

place-names and, 196-97, 198-99, 
200, 201 

religion and, 173-74, ^77' ^9^ 
languages. See also place-names 

Christianity and, 199 

dating and, 163-64 

ethnicity and, 219 

Finno-Ugrian, 15-16 

Germanic, 164-65 

identity and, 219 

in Metal Age, 16 

place-names and, 193 

pronvmciation, xvi, 163-64 

religion and, 199 

of Saami, 3, 15-16, 18-19, 58, 160, 
163-65 

Scandinavian, 163-64 

territory of, 193 
Lapland, 13, 57 
lappar, 15 
Lappback, 131 

Lappi, 15, 196, 197-201, 221 

Lappmoberget, 131 

Lappmon, 131 

Lappnaset, 170 

Lapponia (Schefferus), 5, 173 

Lapps, I, 2, 13, 15. See also Saami 

Lappsandberget, 60, 68-69, ^^4- 

190-91, 196 
Levy, Janet E., 8 



262 



INDEX 



lichen growth 

at Bjurokhibb, 50, 60 
at Bygdea, 50 

dating and, 46, 49-51. 147 

at Griindskatan, 50, 89, 90, 92, 189, 

213 
at Javre, 213 

at Jungfrugraven, 60, 60-62, 
188-89, 190 

labyrinths and, 147 

at Lappsandberget, 69, 188 

as research methodology, 49-51 

at Snoan, 50, 123 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 50, 113 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 128 
Lillberget, 116, 151 
Lill-Mosjon, 170 
Limes norrlandicus, 11 
Litorina Sea, 29 

Lovanger, 58-59, 195-96. 197-99, 201-7 

Lower Volga basin. 33 

Lvde River, 194 

Lundfors, 30-31, 40, 165 

Lundmark, Lennart, 18 

Luopa, 146 

macrofossils, 47, 73, 75, 92, 127 
Magnus Eriksson, King, 57, 58, 199 
Mangbyn, 59, 196, 202 
mapping, 60, 66, 72, 122 
Mare Botnicum, 12 

maritime perspective, i, 12, 217-18. See 

also Bothnian coast 
mark, 18 

mercantilism. See trade 
Metal Age 

concept of, 29 

elevations in, 43 

ethnicity and, 6, 19, 218, 219 

hunting in, 33-34, 40, 117, 120 

huts in, 43 

identity and, 6, 218, 219 
languages in, 16 

metallurgy in, 33, 35, 36, 37-40, 41 
place-names and, 18 
projectiles in, 33, 34-35, 41 
religion in, 41 
rock art in, 31-32 
seals in, 33-34, 40, 116, 117, 120 
settlements in, 40-41 
society in, 35 

technology in, 31, 33-35, 36, 41 
in Vasterbotten, 33-41 
metallurgy. See also artifacts 
at Angermanland, 170 



at Bjuroklubb, 64, 165, 166, 168 

at Broange, 203 

dating and, 165 

in economy, 40, 220 

ethnicity and, 219 

gender and, 171 

at Gratrask, 38 

at Grundskatan, 86. 92, 165, 166-67, 

168, 170 
at Hamptjarn, 36, 197 
at Harjedalen, 39 
at Harrsjobacken, 36, 165, 197 
history of, 2, 165-66 
at Hornslandsudde, 134, 135, 141, 165, 

167-68, 170 
identity and, 219 
in Jamtland, 39 
at Kataselet, 38 
at Kyrkesviken, 170 
at Lappnaset, 170 
at Lill-Mosjon, 170 
in Lovanger, 203 

in Metal Age, 33, 35, 36, 37-40, 41 

at Nedre Back, 36 

at Nolbyn-Mangbyn, 170 

in Norrbotten, 170 

religion and, 176 

in research methodology, 47 

seals and, 170 

at Skramtrask, 38 

society and, 35 

in Southern Lapland, 145 

at Stalo, 170 

in Stone Age, 32, 40 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 38. 170 

at Storkage, 37-40 

at Stor-Rebben Island. 129, 165, 170 

in Sweden, 165-66 

at Tame site, 38 

as technology, 41, 165-66 

territory and, 5 

trade and, 40 

in Trondelag, 39 

at Vivallen, 39 

witchcraft and, 170-71 
Montelius, Oscar, xi, 5 
moose, 20-21, 25, 26, 29-30, 31-32, 

40, 158 
morsa. 16. See also sealing 
Moten i norr, xv 

Muittalus Samid Birra (Turi), 16 

Namforsen, 31, 34-35 
narratives, 4-7 

nature. See environment; landscape 



Nedre Back, 36 
Nilsson, Sven, 5 
Niurenius, Olaus Petri, 57 
noaidis, 213 
Nolbyn-Mangbyn, 170 
Nordic region, 11, 19-25 
Nordmenn. 16 

Norrabotten. See Bothnia, Bay of 
Norrbotten, 43, 170, 193-94, -OO' 
208 

Norrland border, 11 
Norse. See Vikings 
Norse Sagas, i 

Northern Crossroads Project, xv 

Obbola, 146 
Odner, Knut, 6, 27 
offerings 

animal, 39, 182, 184-85, 191 

blood, 174, 182, 184 

for luck, 173-74 

metal, 37, 146, 162, 171, 174 
Ofoten, 153 
oil, 24 

Olaus Magnus, 12, 59, 160 
Olav Haraldsson, Saint, 213 
Older Edda, 171 
Olsen, Bjornar, 6 

Om Lappar och Lappland (Diiben), 5 
On Lapps and Lapland (Dtiben). 5 
Orkneyinga Saga, 15 
Orosius, 16, 18 
orthography, xvi, 163-64 
osteology 

bears and, 178, 180, 182, 183 

at Bjin'oklubb, 63, 64, 65, 66 

at Gamla Hamnen, 112 

at Grundskatan, 68, 73, 76, 78, 
79-82, 89, 92 

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 133, 134, 135, 
136, 138, 139 

hunting and, 158-59 

husbandry and, 158-59 

at Jungfruhamn, 66, 67-68 

at KvEnangen, 182 

religion and, 174, 176, 178, 180 

as research methodology, 46-47 

seals and, 158-59 

seasonality and, 158-59 

at Snoan, 122 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96-105, 
108-9, ii-^' 113-21. 157, 158 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 126, 127, 128, 
129-30 

Othere from Halogaland, 16, 18 



INDEX 



263 



Pite River, 194 
pits 

at Bjuroklubb, 73 

at Grundskatan, 72-73, 89-90, 91, 

92, 157 
at Hornslandsudde. 156 
at Stalo, 145 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 95, 96, 104-5, 
108 

place-names. See also languages 
angr in, 195-96 
avan in, 194 
at Bjuroklubb, 189 
on Bothnian coast, 2, 199-200 
at Broange, 196 
conclusions, 201, 208-9 
in Dalarna, 200 
dating and, 199 
elevations and, 201-2 
eskers in, 196-97 
ethnicity and, 207-8 
at Fahlmark, 197 
farming and, 201 
fishing and, 149 
in Gavleborg County, 200 
genetics and, 207-8 
at Grundskatan, 194 
at Hertsanger, 195-96 
at Hornslandsudde, 131, 139 
husbandry and, 159-60, 199, 201, 221 
identity and, 2 
in Jamtland, 200 
at Kaddis, 194-95 
kata in, 198, 200 
at Krakanger, 195-96 
landscape and, 196-97, 198-99, 

200, 201 
languages and, 193 
Lappi in, 15, 196, 197-201, 221 
of Lappsandberget, 69, 188, 196 
Lapps in, 2, 15 

in Lovanger, 195-96, 197-99, 201-7 

at Mangbyn, 196 

Metal Age and, 18 

in Norrbotten, 193-94, 200 

parts of, 199 

rebben in, 193 

reindeer and, 159-60, 199, 221 

religion and, 173, 199, 201, 209 

settlements and, 201-7, 208-9 

skatan in, 193-94 

in Skelleftea, 194, 196-99, 221 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 93-94 

at Storon Island, 196 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 125, 130, 193 



in Sweden, 199-201 

territory and, 15, 18, 193-201, 208-9 

Ume, 194 

at Utsjoki, 199 

in Vasterbotten, 200 

in Vasternorrland, 200 
poor Lapp, 15 
Prastsjodiket, 34, 35 
prehistory, 29. See also history; Metal 

Age; Stone Age 
projectiles, 33, 34-35, 41 
pronimciation, xvi, 163-64 
punctuated sedentism, 26, 218, 220 

quarrying, 165 

radiocarbon dating, 45, 46, 47, 142. See 

also dating 
Ra-Inget, 37 
Rathje, Lillian, 17 
rebhen, 193 
Regin, 171 
reindeer 

alignments and, 157 

Bjuroklubb and, 160 

court case on, xiii 

hearths and, 145 

herding of 3, 8, 13, 164, 208, 222 

hunting of 3, 171 

husbandry, 157, 159-60, 161, 164, 

199, 221 
identity and, 219 

place-names and, 159-60, 199, 221 
in religion, 177 
at Stalo, 145 
storage and, 156 
at Stor-Rebben Island, 129-30 
religion. See also Christianity 

animals and, 41, 173, 174, 176-84 

artifacts of 174, 175, 176 

bears in, 174, 175, 177-84, 191, 221 

burial and, 174, 177-84, igi 

cairns and, 174, 180, 186-87, 220 

children and, 174, 175 

circles and, 174, 184-91 

colonization and, 219 

cosmos in, 175, 181-84 

dating and, 176, 178-79, 180, 189-90 

death in, 173-74 

deities in, 173-74, 175, 176, 181-84 

drums in, 175, 177 

dwellings and, 173-74, 175, 181-83 

ethnicity and, 3, 219 

family in, 173-74, 175 

fishing and, 173, 174 



gender and, 174, 175, 181-82, 182-83 
at Grundskatan, 174, 177, 178, 

179-84, 189, 190-91 
in Halsingland, 187-88 
health and, 174 
hearths and, 186-87 
herding and, 174, 176, 208 
history of 173 
at Hohnon Island, 199 
hunter-gatherers and, 175-76 
hunting and, 173, 174 
husbandry and, 176 
identity and, 3, 219 
idols in, 174, 184-86 
at jungfrugraven, 184, 188-89, 

190-91 
labyrinths and, 212-15 
landscape and, 173-74, 177, 191 
languages and, 199 
at Lappsandberget, 184, 188, 190-91 
in Metal Age, 35, 41 
metallurgy and, 176 
osteology and, 174, 176, 178, 180 
place-names and, 173, 199, 201, 209 
reindeer in, 177 
rituals in, 173-91 
of Saami, 174-75, 214-15, 221 
sacred sites, 161, 173-76 
sacrifice in, 174, 176, 184-91 
settlements and, 190-91 
sijddas and, 161, 175 
society and, 175-76, 181-84, 190-91 
in Stone Age, 41 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 184, 189, 190 

trade and, 147 

traits of 174-75 

of Vikings, 162, 171 
rengard. 159-60 
research. See also archaeology 

conclusions of 40-41, 120-21, 
144-45, lyi' 183-84, 191, 201, 
208-9, 217-22 

features in, 51-55 

hypotheses for, 27, 217 

intentions of 9 

methodology for, 43-51, 141-42, 217 

questions for further, xii 
resilience theory, 2, 26-27, 4^- 
Rison, 213 
rock art, 31-32 
Rudbeck, Olof 4 
runes, 163-64 
Russian ovens 

as archaeological features, 54 

at Bjuroklubb, 64, 85 



264 



INDEX 



at Grundskatan, 72, 85. 91, 92 
at Snoan, 85, 122, 123, 124 
Rygh, Oluf, 5 

Saami 

derivation of, 13 

ethnicity of. xii, 1-2, 3, 5-7, 19, 27, 

41, 207-8, 217, 217-23 
ethnographic overview of, 13-19 
genetics of, 15, 16, 23, 207-8 
in history, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 4-7 
hypotheses concerning, 27, 217 
identity of xii, 1-2, 3, 7, 19, 26-27, 

217-23 

as indigenous peoples, 8, 27, 217, 
222-23 

languages of 3, 15-16, 18-19, 5^' 
160, 163-65 

population of, 13 

religion of, 174-75, 214-15. 221 

territory of, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 5, 11, 13, 
i5~i9' 57~59' 193-201, 208-9, 
220, 221, 222 
Saamiland. See Sdpmi 
sacred sites, i6i, 173-76 
sacrifice. See also burial; offerings 

of animals, 176, 221 

cairns and, 186-87 

circles and, 184-91, 214 

dating and, 189-90 

at Grundskatan, 184, 189, 190-91 

in Halsingland, 187-88 

hearths and, 186-87 

at Jungfrugraven, 60-62, 184, 
188-89, 190-91 

labyrinths and. 214 

at Lappsandberget, 184, 188, 190-91 

in religion, 174, 176, 184-91 

settlements and, 190-91 

society and, 190-91 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 184, 189, 190 
Sdpmi, 13, 16, 57 
sampling, 46, 141-42 
Saxo Grammaticus, 15, 166 
Scandinavia, xi-xii, xiii-xiv, i, 4-7, 11, 
163-64 

Schefferus, Johannes, 5, 13, 57, 173 
sealing 

artifacts and, 145-47 

at Bjastamon, 116 

at Bjuroklubb, 168 

at Bjurselet, 116 

boats and, 208 

climate and, 149 

dating and, 144-49, 221 



in economy, 30, 40 
environment and, 149 
fishing and, 147-49 
at Frakenronningen, 116 
at Grundskatan, 92, 144-49, 157 
at Hamptjarn, 197 
at Harrsjobacken, 197 
at Hornslandsudde, 131, 138, 139, 
144-49 

hunting seals, 4, 12, 17-18, 22, 25, 
30,33-34,40,43,116,117, 138,139, 
144-49, 154, 158-59, 181 

huts and, 154 

at Jungfruhamn, 144-49 

Kvens and, i8 

languages and, 164 

at Lillberget, 116 

in Lovanger, 201-3 

at Lundfors, 30 

in Metal Age, 33-34, 40, 116, 117, 120 

metallurgy and, 170 

oil from, 24 

osteology and, 158-59 

processing in, 157 

seasonality and, 158-59, 220 

sites of, 43 

at Snoan, 124 

in Stone Age, 40, 116, 117 

at Stora Fjaderagg, 96-105, 109, 
113-21, 139, 144-49, 157' 

at Stor-Rebben Island, 130, 144-49 

trade and, 34, 147, 201-3 

words for, 16 
seasonality, 158-59. See also cycles 
sedentism 

Early and Late Metal Ages, 220 

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217 

punctuated, 26, 218, 220 

in Stone Age, 29 

storage and, 156 
seite, 161, 175, 189, 214 
settlements. See also sites 

on Bothnian coast. 217-18 

circles and. 190-91 

cycles for, 24-26 

at Fahlmark, 40 

at Gene, 146 

by government, 57 

at Grundskatan, 190-91 

at Harrsjobacken, 40 

of herders, 160-63, 220-21 

of hunter-gatherers, 160-63 

hypotheses concerning, 27, 217 

at Jungfrugraven, 190-91 

at Lappsandberget, 190-91 



in Lovanger, 201-7 

at Lundfors, 40 

in Metal Age, 40-41 

place-names and, 201-7, 208-9 

religion and, 190-91 

sacrifice and, 190-91 

society and, 190-91 

in Stone Age, 29-31, 40-41 

structure of, 153-55, 160-63, 
shamanism. See witchcraft 
shooting blinds, 54, 92 
shoreline displacement, 46, 47-49, 51, 

131, 145 
sijddas 

circles and, 190-91 

at KvKnangen, 182, 205 

in Lovanger, 205-7 

religion and, 161, 175 

in social organization, 220-21 

system of, 145, 160-62, 163 
sites. See also excavations: individual 
sites; settlements 

on Bothnian coast, 2 

at Bygdea, 50 

of herders, 160-63 

of hunting, 43 

in research methodology, 43-46 
sacred sites, 161, 173-76 
of sealing, 43 

structure of 153-55, 160-63, 171 
Sjdllhdllorna, 131 

Skandinaviska Nordens Ur-Jnvdnare 

(Nilsson), 5 
skatan, 193-94 
Skelleftea, 58, 196-99, 221 
Skellefte River, 194 
Ski-Finns, 13, 17-18 
skis, 39-40, 171 
Skramtrask, 38 
Skrid-finnar, 13, 17-18 
Smalnaset, 39 
Snoan 

artifacts from, 122 

boats at, 123 

cairns at, 123, 124 

charcoal analysis at, 122, 123-24 

churches at, 122 

compass roses at, 121-22 

dating at, 122. 123-24, 141-49 

derivation of 122 

elevations at. 45, 46, 121, 122, 123, 124 
farming at, 122 

fishing at, 122, 123, 124. 147-49 
hearths at, 122, 141 
huts at, 141-49, 141-49 



INDEX 



265 



Snoan (continued) 
labyrinths at, 121, 123, 128, 147 
lichen growth at, 50, 123 
mapping at, 122 
osteology at, 122 

Russian ovens at, 85, 122, 123, 124 
seals at, 124 

shoreline displacement at, 48 

sites at, 121-24 
society 

circles and, 190-91 

at Grundskatan, 190-91 

at Jungfrugraven, 190-91 

at Lappsandberget, 190-91 

in Lovanger, 201-7 

in Metal Age, 35 

organization, 208-9, 220-22 

religion and, 175-76, 181-84, 190-91 

sacrifice and, 190-91 

settlements and, 190-91 

sijddas, 145, 160-62, 163 

wealth and, 163 
soil chemistry 

at Bjuroklubb, 60, 63, 64, 168 

at Forolsjoen Lake, 186 

at Grundskatan, 73-75, 78, 80, 81, 
84-85, 157 

at Hornslandsudde, 132, 135, 136, 139, 
157 

at jungfrugraven, 60 

at Lappsandberget, 68-69, 

in research methodology, 46 

Southern Lapland, 145 

sta, 18 

Stallverk, 31 

Stallverket, 37 

Stalo, 3, 144-45, 14*^' I'Si, 170 
Steckzen, Birger, 11 
Stockholm, 58 
Stone Age 

animals in, 30 

burial in, 32, 41 

climate in, 29, 32 

concept of, 5 

economy in, 30, 40 

environment in, 29 

ethnicity and, 218 

farming in, 32, 36-37, 40 

fishing in, 40 

herding in, 40 

hunter-gatherers in, 40 

hunting in, 30, 40, 117 

husbandry in, 32, 36-37, 40 

identity and, 218 

metallurgy in, 32, 40 



projectiles in, 41 
religion in, 41 
rock art in, 31-32 
seals in, 40, 116, 117 
sedentism in, 29 
settlements in, 29-31, 40-41 
technology in, 29-30, 30-31, 32, 41 
trade in, 40 

in Vasterbotten, 29-32, 40-41 
stone circles. See circles; labyrinths 
stones, 46, 53-54. See also alignments; 

circles; labyrinths 
Stora Fjaderagg 
alignments at, 108, 113, 157 
artifacts from, 96, 108, 113, 170, 190 
cairns at, 108, no 
charcoal analysis at, 108 
circles at, 95, 109-12, 113, 131, 184, 

189, 190 
compass roses at, 147 
dating at, 95, 96, 108, iii, 112, 113, 

141-49, 151, 165, 189, 190 
elevations at, 45, 46, 92, 94-95, 96, 

105, 108, 109, 112, 142, 154, 189, 

190 

environment of, 92-93 
fishing at, 93, 147-49 
Gamla Hamnen, 45-46, 95, 112 
hearths at, 96, 102-5, 
history of 92-94 

hunting at, 117, 120-21, 144-49, ^5^ 
husbandry at, loi, 113, 159 
huts at, 94-109, 112-13, 117-21, 

141-49, 154, 158, 170 
labyrinths at, 95, 128, 147, 189, 213 
lichen growth at, 50, 113 
macrofossils at, 127 
metallurgy at, 38, 170 
osteology at, 95, 96-105, 108-9, 'i^, 

113-21, 157, 158 
pits at, 95, 96, 104-5, ^'^^ 
place-names on, 93-94 
religion at, 184, 189, 190 
sacrifice at, 184, 189, 190 
sealing at, 96-105, 109, 113-21, 139, 

144-49, 157. 158 
seite at, 189 

shoreline displacement in, 48 

sites at, 94-121, 154 
storage, 151, 156-57. See also caches; 

cairns; pits 
Storkage, 37, 48, 146 
Stornorrfors, 32 
Storon Island, 196 
Stor-Rebben Island 



artifacts from, 127, 128, 129, 170 
cairns at, 128 

charcoal analysis at, 126, 126-27, 128 

dating at, 126-27, 128-29, 130, 
141-49, 151, 165 

derivation of 125, 130 

elevations at, 45, 125-26, 127, 128, 
141, 154 

excavations at, 126 

fishing at, 130, 147-49 

hearths at, 127, 128 

hunting at, 144-49 

husbandry at, 129-30 

huts at, 125-30, 141-49, 154, 170 

labyrinths at, 127, 128-29, 213 

lichen growth at, 128 

macrofossils at, 127 

metallurgy at, 129, 165, 170 

osteology at, 126, 127, 128, 129-30 

place-names at, 125, 130, 193 

reindeer at, 129-30 

sealing at, 130, 144-49 

selection of 43 

sites at, 124-30, 154 
Storuman, Lake, xiii 
surveys, 43 
Svear, 16 
Sweden 

archaeology in, xiv, 4, 7-9 

circles in, 186 

colonization by, 57-59, 219, 221 
government of 3 
history in, 4-7 
labyrinths in, 211 
metallurgy in, 165-66 
place-names in, 199-201 
welfare system in, 8 

Tacitus, P. Cornelius, 13-15 
Tame, 38 

taxation, 58, 131, 222. See also Birkarls 
technology 

in Angermanland, 35 

at Bjurselet, 32 

development, 41 

at Fahlmark, 34 

at Flurkmark, 29-30, 34 

at Hamptjarn, 36 

at Harrsjobacken, 36 

at Kaddis, 34 

languages and, 163 

at Lundfors, 30-31 

in Metal Age, 31, 33-35, 36, 41 

metallurgy as, 165-66 

at Namforsen, 34-35 



266 



INDEX 



at Nedre Back, 36 

at Prastsjodiket, 34, 35 

at Stallverk, 31 

in Stone Age, 29-30, 30-31, 32, 41 

for travel, i 

at Vannas, 34 
Terfenni, 16 
territory 

of languages, 193 

metallurgy and, 5 

of Nordic region, 11 

place-names and, 15, 18, 193-201, 
208-9 

of Saami. xi-xii, xiii-xiv, 5, 11, 13, 
^5~^9- 57~59' 193-201, 208-9, 
220. 221, 222 
of Scandinavia, 11 
Thirty Years' War, 5 
Thomson, Christian, xi 
tin, 35 
tjiellde. 176 

topography, 21-23. '''^o landscape 
trade. See also economy 

at Broange, 196, 202-3 

Circumpolar Region and, 24-25 

dating and, 147 

in economy, 40 

ethnicity and, 219 

at Gene, 146 

hearths and, 145 

at Hornslandsudde, 139 



hypotheses concerning, 27, 217 

identity and, 219 

languages and, 164-65 

in Lovanger, 196, 202, 203 

at Mangbyn, 196, 202 

in Metal Age, 34, 35, 40 

metallurgy and, 40 

religion and, 147 

in Scandinavia, i 

sealing and, 34, 147, 201-3 

in Stone Age, 40 
transportation. See boats; travel 
travel, i, 164-65, 220. See also boats 
trees, 183 
trolls, 2 
Trondelag, 39 
Trygvesson, Olaf 162 
Tuna, 16 
Turi, fohan, 16 

Ulfsson, fakob, 58, 196 
Ume River, 194 
United Nations, 8 
Unna Saiva, 147 
Utsjoki, 199 

Vannas, 34 
Varanger, 153 

Vasa, Gustaf 131, 209, 219 
Vasterbotten 
farming in, 208 



gender in, 208 

history of 57-59 

hunter-gatherers in, xiv 

huts in, 43 

Metal Age in, 33-41 

place-names at, 200 

shoreline displacement in, 48-49 

sites in, 2 

Stone Age in, 29-32, 40-41 
Vasternorrland, 43. 200 
Vikings, i, 2-3, 162, 171 
vin, 18 

Vivallen, xiii, 39 
Vladimir, 162 
Volundr, 2-3, 171 
vuobme, 176 

Wallerstrom, Thomas, 18 
wealth, 145, 163 
Weland, 2-3, 171 
welfare system, 8 
Westberg, H., 131 
Westerlund, Ernst, 11 
whales, 24 

witchcraft, 5, 15, 41, 164, 170-71, 182 

Wolf Eric R., 9 

women. See gender 

wood, 39-40, 183 

World System Theory, 24-25, 220 

Zachrisson, Inger, 5 



INDEX 



267 



About the Author 



Noel D. Broadbent earned his Ph.D. in 1997 at Uppsala University in Sweden. From 1983-1989, he 
was Director of the Center for Arctic Cultural Research at Umea University; from 1990-1996 he 
was Director of the Arctic Social Sciences Program at the National Science Foundation in Washing- 
ton, D.C., and from 1996-2003 held the Chair of Archaeology and Saami Studies in Umea. Since 
2004 he has been on the staff of the Arctic Studies Center in the Department of Anthropology at 
the Smithsonian's National Museum of Natural History. Among his awards are two NSF Director's 
Awards, The Antarctica Service Medal, the Svea Orden and the Hildebrand Prize of the Swedish 
Archaeological Society. 



269 



Noel D. Broadbent is 

one of Sweden's foremost experts on north 
Swedish archaeology and hterally wrote 
the book on the prehistory of the Skelleftea 
region on the North Bothnian coast. Broad- 
bent is on staff at the Arctic Studies Center 
in the Department of Anthropology at the 
Smithsonian's National Museum of Natural 
History. 



f Jl Smithsonian Institution 
^ Scholarly Press 

P.O. Box 37012 
MRC 957 

Washington, D.C. 20013-7012 
www.scholariypress.si.edu 



For orders, please contact 

Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 

www.rowmanlittiefield.com 

1-800-462-6420 




Archaeology • Cultural Studies 



"Broadbent's Lapps and Labyrinths has broad application 
and demonstrates the value of anthropological studies for 
balancing the dominance of history in native studies. 

This work is in the best tradition of 
Scandinavian archaeology and breaks new ground for 
science and society." 
—William W. Fitzhugh, Director, 
Arctic Studies Center, Smithsonian Institution